694: THE TRUMP-MUNIR MEETING: TRANSACTIONAL DIPLOMACY OR A GEOPOLITICAL QUID PRO QUO?

 

My article was published on the Indus International Research Foundation website on 30 Jun 25.

 

On June 18, 2025, U.S. President Donald Trump hosted a rare and controversial meeting with Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff, General Asim Munir, at the White House. The two-hour lunch, which took place without any representatives from Pakistan’s civilian leadership, triggered widespread geopolitical debate. The phrase “you scratch my back, I scratch yours” has surfaced in online discourse. While the meeting was presented as a gesture of gratitude for Pakistan’s role in de-escalating recent India-Pakistan tensions, the circumstances, tone, and implications of the event go far beyond mere diplomacy. Potential fallout of this bizarre engagement could signal a reconfiguration of regional alliances and a confirmation of Trump’s transactional diplomacy.

 

Analytical Perspective

Context: Post-War De-escalation and Unorthodox Diplomacy. The Trump–Munir meeting comes just weeks after a volatile conflict between India and Pakistan that erupted in early May 2025. For several tense days, both nations exchanged missile and drone attacks, raising fears of a full-scale war between two nuclear-armed neighbours. In the June 18 lunch, Trump publicly credited General Munir for helping to prevent a full-blown war between India and Pakistan. This approach reflects Trump’s foreign policy style, which prioritises deal-making, personal connections, and pragmatic alliances over institutional norms or long-term strategic planning.

Unprecedented Format. This was not an ordinary diplomatic meeting. For the first time, a U.S. president hosted a foreign military leader at the White House without including any civilian government officials from that country. Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar were conspicuously absent. Their exclusion drew immediate criticism from both within Pakistan and abroad, highlighting the enduring imbalance between Pakistan’s military and civilian institutions. By engaging directly with Munir, Trump sent a clear message that he considers the Pakistani military, and not its elected leadership, as the country’s true center of power. This is not a new perception, but such overt validation from a major global power (that champions and supports democratic values worldwide) is rare and diplomatically risky.

Pakistan: Military Strengthened, Civilian Leadership Marginalised. In Pakistan, the reaction was mixed. Supporters of the military celebrated the meeting as a diplomatic win and a sign that General Munir is elevating Pakistan’s global profile. However, many others viewed the event as a glaring example of the country’s persistent “military-first” governance model. Political commentators and opposition figures criticised Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif for being sidelined and described the episode as humiliating. Some accused the military of bypassing civilian institutions in foreign policy and seeking direct international legitimacy. The episode has further strained civil-military relations within Pakistan, with fears that the military is consolidating even more power at the expense of democratic norms and constitutional roles.

Undermining Civilian Institutions. The overt exclusion of Pakistan’s civilian leadership from a meeting of this magnitude may set a dangerous precedent. It sends a signal, not just to Islamabad but to other nations, that direct engagement with military leaders is not only acceptable but perhaps preferable. This undermines the principle of democratic civilian oversight and can weaken global efforts to promote governance reforms in countries with fragile democratic institutions.

U.S.–Pakistan Rapprochement. Just months ago, U.S.–Pakistan relations were marked by scepticism, primarily due to lingering mistrust over Islamabad’s historical links to extremist groups, as well as its close ties to China. However, this meeting suggests a dramatic shift. Trump praised Pakistan’s intelligence services for capturing the perpetrator of the 2021 Kabul airport bombing, a symbolic gesture indicating renewed U.S. trust in Pakistan’s counterterrorism efforts. Pakistan’s military, in its official statement, highlighted that the conversation also covered trade, economic cooperation, cryptocurrencies, artificial intelligence, energy resources, and rare-earth minerals. These are key sectors for a future-oriented partnership, suggesting that both parties are looking beyond traditional military and security cooperation.

The Iran Angle. An equally important but more understated aspect of the meeting was its potential connection to rising tensions in the Middle East, specifically between Israel and Iran. Trump reportedly remarked that “Pakistan knows Iran very well,” and indicated that Islamabad could play a key role in future diplomatic or covert operations involving Tehran. This is particularly significant as the U.S. appears to be exploring regional support for managing, or possibly confronting, Iran. Given Pakistan’s geographic proximity, historical ties to Iran, and deep intelligence networks, it is plausible that Washington sees Islamabad as a useful intermediary or asset in this context. For Trump, such a partnership would align with his transactional style: if Pakistan helps the U.S. manage Iran, the U.S. could reciprocate by offering economic or political rewards to Pakistan.

 

Strategic Implications

Transactional Realignment, Not Strategic Partnership. While the meeting suggests a thaw in U.S.–Pakistan ties, the underlying dynamic appears transactional rather than strategic. Trump is known for valuing short-term gains and personal relationships over long-term institutional alliances. In this case, the “mutual back-scratching” attitude reflects a deal-based mindset: Pakistan helps with Iran’s intelligence sharing, and the U.S. acknowledges its role and discusses potential economic partnerships. Such diplomacy can deliver quick results, but it often lacks the staying power that is based on democratic values or mutual trust.

Potential Iran Confrontation Strategy. By engaging Pakistan now, the U.S. could be preparing for a broader containment strategy against Iran. If tensions between Israel and Iran re-escalate into direct conflict, the U.S. may look to regional partners for logistical support, intelligence sharing, or diplomatic mediation. Pakistan, with its strategic location and regional experience, becomes a valuable partner in this context. However, such an alignment carries risks. Iran and Pakistan share a border, and any overt Pakistani support for U.S. actions against Iran could destabilise Baluchistan and strain Islamabad’s internal security.

India: Strategic Alarm. In India, the Trump–Munir lunch was met with alarm and criticism. Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh labelled the event “an embarrassment” for Pakistan’s civilian government. Indian officials were quick to reject Trump’s claim of him helping avert war, insisting that the May ceasefire was a direct call from Pakistan, asking for a ceasefire with no U.S. involvement. Shashi Tharoor,  senior Congress leader, reminded observers about Pakistan’s past harbouring of Osama bin Laden and cautioned the U.S. against viewing Pakistan as a trustworthy long-term partner. The general sentiment in Indian strategic circles is that the meeting signifies an unbalanced U.S. approach that undermines democratic institutions in the region and encourages military dominance in Pakistan.

 

Conclusion

The Trump–Munir meeting represents a symbolic moment in U.S.–Pakistan relations and South Asian geopolitics. It highlights Trump’s characteristic deal-making style, the enduring dominance of Pakistan’s military in foreign affairs, and the shifting focus of U.S. strategic interests toward rapid, transactional engagements. For the U.S., this may be a way to quickly regain influence in South Asia and prepare for broader conflicts in the West Asia. For Pakistan, it is a short-term diplomatic victory that risks further marginalising civilian institutions. For India, this is a cause for concern and a call to monitor the shifting U.S. priorities closely. The long-term consequences will depend on whether this meeting marks the beginning of a more profound realignment or is simply another small move in the ever-evolving saga of geopolitical chess.

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The Trump-Munir Meeting: Transactional Diplomacy Or A Geopolitical Quid Pro Quo?

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Information and data included in the blog are for educational & non-commercial purposes only and have been carefully adapted, excerpted, or edited from reliable and accurate sources. All copyrighted material belongs to respective owners and is provided only for wider dissemination.

References:-

  1. The Guardian. (2025, June 19). The thawing of relations between Pakistan and the US raises eyebrows in India.
  1. Times of India. (2025, June 19). ‘Must be an embarrassment’: Defence secretary’s jibe at Shehbaz Sharif over Trump–Munir lunch; warns of China-Turkey nexus.
  1. India Times. (2025, June 18). Donald Trump hosts General Asim Munir for a White House lunch, credits him with ending the India–Pakistan war; here’s what we know.
  1. Dawn News. (2025, June 18). The military confirms that General Munir meets with Donald Trump to discuss strategic cooperation and regional stability.
  1. Al Jazeera. (2025, June 19). US-Pakistan talks signal shifting alliances in South Asia amid tensions with Iran.
  1. Reuters. (2025, June 18). Trump thanks Pakistan Army chief for avoiding war with India, eyes trade ties. Retrieved from
  1. NDTV. (2025, June 20). India rejects US mediation claims, stating that the ceasefire was a bilateral agreement reached between the parties.
  1. BBC News. (2025, June 18). Trump meets General Munir: What it means for Pakistan’s democracy.
  1. “Trump Hosts Pakistan Army Chief Asim Munir at White House, Discusses India-Pakistan Tensions.” Hindustan Times, June 19, 2025.
  1. “Unorthodox White House Lunch: Trump and Munir Talk Trade and Peace.” The News International, June 19, 2025.
  1. “Trump’s Transactional Diplomacy: A Look at His Foreign Policy Style.” Foreign Affairs, January 202

692: UNFINISHED RUSSIAN OBJECTIVE: REGIME CHANGE IN UKRAINE

 

My article was published on the Indus International Research Foundation website on June 30, 2025.

 

Since Russia launched its special military operation on February 24, 2022, its primary strategic objective was widely understood to be the overthrow of Ukraine’s government and the installation of a pro-Russian regime. This goal has proven elusive, rooted in Moscow’s desire to reassert influence over its neighbour and prevent Ukraine’s integration with the West. Over three years into the conflict, Russia has not been able to achieve regime change. There are possibly multifaceted reasons behind it, encompassing military, political, economic, societal, and informational dimensions.

 

Analytical Perspective

Strategic Miscalculations: Flawed Assumptions. At the heart of Russia’s failure lies a cascade of flawed assumptions.  Before launching the invasion on 24 February 2022, Moscow wrongly believed that the Ukrainian society was deeply fractured along ethnic and linguistic lines. Secondly, the Zelensky government lacked legitimacy and would collapse under pressure. Lastly, NATO and the West would not intervene decisively. These assumptions led Russia to pursue an audacious plan aimed at rapidly occupying Kyiv, decapitating Ukraine’s leadership, and presenting the world with a fait accompli. However, Russian intelligence had gravely underestimated both the unity and the resilience of Ukrainian society. When the war began, the anticipated internal collapse did not materialise; instead, Ukraine mobilised as a unified nation.

Ukrainian Resilience and National Unity. One of the most critical factors thwarting Russia’s ambitions has been the extraordinary resilience of the Ukrainian people and their government. From the outset, Ukraine’s people displayed unwavering resolve. Ukrainian society mobilised rapidly, with civilians joining territorial defence units, volunteering in humanitarian efforts, and supporting the military. The war has forged a stronger national identity, with polls consistently showing overwhelming support for Zelenskyy’s government and rejection of Russian influence. This societal cohesion has made installing a pro-Russia regime more difficult, as any pro-Russian government would face relentless resistance and lack legitimacy.

Russian Military Miscalculation: Collapse of the Hostomel-Kyiv Blitz. Russia’s regime-change ambitions were staked on the success of a swift airborne operation. Russian forces did seize Hostomel Airport, located just outside Kyiv, to establish an air bridge for further troops. However, Ukrainians were able to repel the assault, destroying incoming aircraft and delaying Russian reinforcements. With the Hostomel plan thwarted, Russian ground forces were left advancing slowly on narrow roads with overstretched supply lines and inadequate logistics. Russians had to change their strategy and the plan at an early stage.

Western Support. The unprecedented scale of Western support for Ukraine has been a pivotal factor. NATO countries, led by the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union, have provided Ukraine with billions of dollars in military, financial, and humanitarian aid. Advanced weaponry, including HIMARS rocket systems, ATACMS missiles, Patriot air defences, and Leopard tanks, has enabled Ukraine to counter Russian offensives and launch successful counterattacks. Beyond material support, Western intelligence-sharing and training programs have enhanced Ukraine’s operational effectiveness. On the other hand, sanctions on Russia, targeting its energy exports, financial systems, and military-industrial complex, have dented Moscow’s ability to sustain the tempo of the war.

Geopolitical and Terrain Challenges. Ukraine’s geography has posed significant challenges for Russia’s regime change ambitions. Over 600,000 square kilometers of Ukraine is Europe’s second-largest country, with diverse terrain ranging from open steppes to dense urban centers. Controlling such a vast area requires substantial manpower and resources. Urban warfare, particularly in cities, favours Ukrainian defenders, who benefit from local knowledge and fortified positions. Russia’s territorial gains have been concentrated in eastern and southern regions, such as parts of Donbas, and Crimea, but these areas represent only a fraction of Ukraine. Stretching its forces across multiple fronts has diluted Russia’s ability to consolidate control or advance toward Kyiv, the political heart of Ukraine.

Russian Internal Constraints. Russia’s domestic challenges have further undermined its war effort. The invasion has strained Russia’s economy, with sanctions disrupting trade, freezing foreign reserves, and limiting access to critical technologies. While high energy prices initially cushioned the blow, long-term economic decline and inflation have eroded public support for the war to an large extent. Political dissent, though suppressed, persists among some of Russia’s factions. These internal pressures have constrained Russia’s ability to escalate the war or sustain a long-term occupation of Ukraine.

Alienating the Ukrainian Population. Russia’s offensive and punitive tactics have obliterated any chance of winning Ukrainian support for a pro-Russian regime. Deliberate attacks on infrastructure have fuelled hatred toward Russia and unified Ukrainians against Moscow’s agenda. The Kremlin’s narrative about “denazifaction” of Ukraine has not resonated well with Ukrainians.  The absence of a viable pro-Russian political base in Ukraine has left Russia with no credible allies to prop up a pro-Russian government.

Dominance in the Information War. Ukraine has done well in the information domain, maintaining global sympathy and domestic morale. Russia, by contrast, has maintained a low-key approach to control the narrative. Its state-controlled media dominates domestically but has little sway abroad. This information asymmetry has reinforced Ukraine’s legitimacy while undermining Russia’s ability to justify regime change.

The Evolution of the Conflict. As the war has evolved into a protracted struggle, Russia’s initial goal of regime change has become increasingly unattainable, and Moscow has pivoted to territorial objectives. The limited military operation has evolved into a long-drawn-out slug match, with Ukraine periodically launching counter-offensives and Russia resorting to punitive action with long-range weapons. The prospect of a frozen conflict or negotiated settlement looms, but both sides are sticking to their terms.

 

Conclusion

Russia’s inability to achieve regime change in Ukraine results from a confluence of factors: Ukrainian unity and resolve, Russian strategic miscalculations, continued Western support, geographical challenges, and Moscow’s internal constraints. These elements have transformed the conflict into a grinding stalemate, with Ukraine’s government not only surviving but emerging as a symbol of resistance. As the war continues, Russia’s prospects for overturning Ukraine’s leadership remain dim.

 

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Link to the article on the website:-

Unfinished Russian Objective: Regime Change In Ukraine

References:-

  1. Charap, S., & Colton, T. (2022). Everyone loses: The Ukraine crisis and the ruinous contest for post-Soviet Eurasia. Routledge.
  2. D’Anieri, P. (2023). Ukraine and Russia: From civilised divorce to uncivil war (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press.
  3. Galeotti, M. (2023). Russia’s war in Ukraine: The end of the beginning? Foreign Affairs, 102(4), 48–59.
  4. Kofman, M., & Lee, R. (2022). Not built for purpose: The Russian military’s ill-fated force design. War on the Rocks.
  5. Kuzio, T. (2024). Russia’s war against Ukraine: The whole story. Routledge.
  6. Plokhy, S. (2023). The Russo-Ukrainian war: The return of history. W. W. Norton & Company.
  7. Sasse, G., & Lackner, A. (2023). War and identity: The case of Ukraine. Journal of Slavic Military Studies, 36(1), 1–19.
  8. The Economist. (2024, December 12). How sanctions are reshaping Russia’s economy.
  9. SIPRI Yearbook 2025. Armaments, Disarmament and International Security. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, June 2025.
  10. Institute for the Study of War (ISW). Russian Offensive Campaign Assessments, 2022–2025.
  11. RAND Corporation. “The Russian Way of War: Doctrine, Logistics, and Constraints.” RAND Reports, 2023–2024.
  12. BBC News. “Ukraine War: The Battle for Hostomel Airport.” BBC Special Report, March 2022.
  13. European Union External Action Service (EEAS). EU Support to Ukraine: Ukraine Facility and Sanctions Against Russia, 2024–2025.
  14. The Economist. “Why Russia’s Regime Change Strategy in Ukraine Has Failed,” April 2025.
  15. Royal United Services Institute (RUSI). Lessons from the Ukraine War: Air Superiority and ISR, 2023.
  16. New York Times. “Inside Ukraine’s Counteroffensives,” October 2022–June 2025 Special Reports.
  17. Jane’s Defence Weekly. Russia-Ukraine Conflict Technical Assessments, 2022–2025.

670: COLD WAR 2.0: MILITARY ASPECTS AND IMPACT ON INDIAN SECURITY

 

My contribution to the book 

“Cold War 2.0 and India”

 

The world is witnessing the emergence of a new Cold War, often referred to as Cold War 2.0, primarily driven by intensifying geopolitical, economic, and technological rivalries between the United States and China, with Russia playing a significant role. Unlike the ideological battle of the original Cold War, this modern conflict is fuelled by strategic competition for global influence, military dominance, and economic control. Key drivers of Cold War 2.0 include China’s rise as a military and technological superpower, the US-led effort to counterbalance Beijing’s influence, and Russia’s challenge to Western dominance. Arms build-ups, strategic alliances, hybrid warfare, and advancements in emerging technologies like artificial intelligence, space warfare, and hypersonic missiles mainly characterise Cold War 2.0. For India, this renewed great-power rivalry presents both opportunities and challenges. Understanding the military dimensions of Cold War 2.0 is crucial and necessary for analysing its impact on global stability, the evolving nature of warfare, and the strategic recalibrations required for nations like India to safeguard their security interests.

 

Drivers of Cold War 2.0

The re-emergence of great power competition in the 21st century has led to a period characterised by heightened strategic rivalry between the United States and China, with Russia playing a significant but secondary role. Unlike the original Cold War, which was primarily an ideological struggle between capitalism and communism, this new iteration is driven by geopolitical, economic, technological, and military factors.  These factors have reshaped the global order and fuelled an environment of sustained strategic hostility, making Cold War 2.0 a defining feature of contemporary international relations.

One of the most significant drivers of Cold War 2.0 is the rise of China as a global superpower, challenging the longstanding dominance of the United States. Over the past four decades, China has undergone an economic and military transformation that has propelled it to the forefront of global politics. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China’s massive infrastructure and investment project spanning Asia, Africa, and Europe, has been a key instrument in expanding Beijing’s influence. While China claims that the BRI is purely an economic initiative, Western policymakers see it as a geopolitical tool to increase China’s leverage over developing nations. Furthermore, China’s military expansion, most notably in the South China Sea, has alarmed the United States and its regional allies. The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has also aggressively pursued technological dominance, particularly in fields such as artificial intelligence, 5G, and quantum computing. The rapid ascendance of China as a comprehensive power has disrupted the global balance, triggering countermeasures from the United States, including trade restrictions, sanctions on Chinese technology firms, and strengthened military alliances in the Indo-Pacific. This great power rivalry, rooted in China’s challenge to U.S. hegemony, is a fundamental driver of Cold War 2.0.

The second major driver of this new Cold War is the resurgence of Russia as a revisionist state seeking to undermine Western influence and reassert its geopolitical ambitions. Although Russia lacks comparative economic power, it remains a formidable military force with vast energy resources and a willingness to engage in aggressive foreign policies.  The war in Ukraine has strengthened the perception of a new Cold War, with Russia aligning itself more closely with China, Iran, and North Korea to counterbalance Western power. Russia’s actions have not only escalated tensions with the United States and Europe but have also contributed to a broader global realignment, with countries being forced to take sides in this emerging bipolar struggle.

The erosion of American unipolarity and the fragmentation of the liberal international order have also played a crucial role in driving Cold War 2.0. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, the United States emerged as the world’s sole superpower, ushering in a period of unchallenged American dominance. However, U.S. global influence has waned in recent years due to domestic political polarisation, costly military interventions, and economic challenges. The wars in Iraq and Afghanistan drained American resources. They damaged its credibility, while the rise of populist movements and political divisions have weakened Washington’s ability to project unified global leadership. The decline of unipolarity has created a more competitive and unstable international system, where power is increasingly distributed among multiple actors, setting the stage for heightened strategic rivalry.

Economic decoupling and technological competition between the United States and China constitute another major driver of Cold War 2.0. The global economy, once characterised by deep interdependence, is now experiencing a shift toward fragmentation as Washington and Beijing seek to reduce their reliance on each other. The U.S. has imposed sweeping restrictions on Chinese technology firms, particularly in semiconductor manufacturing, artificial intelligence, and telecommunications, citing national security concerns. In response, China has accelerated its efforts to achieve self-sufficiency in critical industries, investing heavily in indigenous innovation and supply chain resilience. This technological decoupling is not just an economic issue—it has profound military and strategic implications, as control over emerging technologies will determine the balance of power in future conflicts. The race for supremacy in AI, quantum computing, cyber warfare, and space exploration is now a central battlefield in Cold War 2.0, with both sides striving to outmanoeuvre each other in the next frontier of global dominance.

Finally, the ideological and political divide between democratic and authoritarian systems has reinforced the divisions of Cold War 2.0. The United States and its allies promote liberal democracy, human rights, and a rules-based international order. Meanwhile, China and Russia advocate for state sovereignty, authoritarian stability, and non-interference in domestic affairs. The contrast between these governance models has led to intensified ideological competition, with both sides seeking to expand their influence globally. The U.S. has framed its rivalry with China and Russia as a struggle between democracy and autocracy, rallying allies to counter Beijing’s and Moscow’s influence in international institutions. Meanwhile, China’s “Global Security Initiative” aim to portray the West as a declining power, promoting an alternative world order.

 

Military Aspects of Cold War 2.0

The evolving geopolitical landscape of the 21st century has increasingly drawn comparisons to the original Cold War. The military dimension of Cold War 2.0 is particularly critical, as it shapes global security dynamics through arms races, power projection, strategic alliances, and hybrid warfare. The military aspect of this renewed competition manifests in several key areas.

One of the most visible military aspects of Cold War 2.0 is the modernisation and expansion of nuclear arsenals. While the U.S. and Russia still maintain the largest stockpiles of nuclear weapons, China’s rapid nuclear build-up has become a central concern for Western policymakers. Unlike during the first Cold War, when the U.S. and Soviet Union were the primary nuclear superpowers, the emergence of China as a third major nuclear player significantly altered the strategic calculus. Beijing has also been expanding its missile silos, developing hypersonic delivery systems, and pursuing advanced nuclear-powered submarines, signalling its intent to establish a more robust second-strike capability. At the same time, Russia’s suspension of the New START treaty, coupled with its threats of tactical nuclear weapon use in Ukraine, has reignited fears of a new nuclear arms race. The U.S., in response, is modernising its nuclear triad, investing heavily in next-generation intercontinental ballistic missiles (ICBMs), stealth bombers, and submarine-launched ballistic missiles. These developments indicate that nuclear deterrence strategies are again at the forefront of great power competition.

Beyond nuclear weapons, conventional military capabilities have also been undergoing significant transformation. The trend is towards increased investment in stealth aircraft, long-range precision strike systems, autonomous combat platforms, and integrated air and missile defence networks. For its part, China has undertaken one of the most extensive military modernisation programs in history. The People’s Liberation Army (PLA) has rapidly expanded its naval and air forces. Despite economic constraints, Russia has focused on asymmetric warfare strategies, leveraging advanced air defence systems, hypersonic missiles, and electronic warfare capabilities.

A defining feature of Cold War 2.0 is the race for military superiority in emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence (AI), quantum computing, and autonomous warfare. Unlike the first Cold War, where military advancements were primarily centred on nuclear and conventional weaponry, digital and cyber capabilities are expected to shape modern conflicts. AI-driven autonomous drones, robotic combat units, and cyber warfare tools have become central to military planning. Quantum computing, if fully realised, could render current encryption methods obsolete, drastically altering cyber defence strategies. The cyber domain has emerged as a battlefield, with state-sponsored cyber attacks targeting critical infrastructure, defence networks, and economic systems.  As nations develop offensive and defensive cyber capabilities, the risk of cyber escalation and strategic instability increases significantly.

Hybrid warfare, a strategy that blends conventional military tactics with cyber, economic, and information warfare, has also become a defining characteristic of Cold War 2.0. China employs hybrid tactics involving disinformation campaigns, cyber-attacks, and proxy militias, leveraging economic coercion, political influence operations, and grey-zone warfare. The U.S. and its allies have responded with countermeasures, including economic sanctions, cyber counteroffensives, and the strengthening of information warfare capabilities. Unlike the Cold War of the 20th century, where direct military confrontations were largely avoided, the modern iteration features a greater degree of low intensity. These asymmetric conflicts blur the line between war and peace.

 

Impact of Cold War 2.0 on Indian Security

The emergence of a second Cold War has profound implications for India’s security. One of the most immediate effects of Cold War 2.0 on India is the increased militarisation of the Indo-Pacific region. As the United States seeks to contain China’s growing military and economic influence, it has strengthened its ties with allies and partners. This has enhanced defence cooperation, intelligence sharing, and joint military exercises. It has drawn India into the broader US-China confrontation, making it a target for Chinese actions, such as aggressive border moves, cyber warfare, and economic coercion. The 2020 Galwan Valley clash between Indian and Chinese forces was a stark reminder of how geopolitical tensions manifest as direct security threats for India.

Another major concern is the growing China-Pakistan nexus, which has intensified in response to Cold War 2.0. China has significantly increased its defence, economic, and nuclear cooperation with Pakistan, which directly impacts India’s security. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project of Beijing’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), runs through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK), challenging India’s territorial claims. China’s supply of advanced military hardware, including fighter jets, submarines, and missile systems, has strengthened Pakistan’s military capabilities, altering South Asia’s conventional and nuclear balance. There are also concerns that China could use Pakistan as a proxy to destabilise India.

India’s maritime security has also been affected as Cold War 2.0 extends into the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). China has expanded its naval footprint through bases in Djibouti and potential dual-use facilities in Sri Lanka, Pakistan (Gwadar), and Myanmar. The People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has increased its submarine patrols and surveillance activities near India’s maritime boundaries, challenging India’s dominance in its strategic backyard.

Technological competition in Cold War 2.0 also affects India’s security, particularly in artificial intelligence (AI), cyber security, and space warfare. The US and China are engaged in a technological arms race, and India must navigate this landscape carefully. Increased focus on Indigenous defence production under “Atmanirbhar Bharat” (self-reliant India) is a direct consequence of this competition.

Diplomatically, Cold War 2.0 presents India with both challenges and opportunities. While the US-India partnership has grown stronger, India remains cautious about being seen as a mere US ally. India has historically valued its strategic autonomy, as seen in its continued engagement with Russia despite Western pressure. India relies on Russian military hardware, including S-400 missile systems, and has resisted aligning too closely with US-led security pacts. However, this balancing act is becoming increasingly difficult as Cold War 2.0 escalates, forcing India to make difficult choices.

Economically, Cold War 2.0 presents risks for India’s trade and supply chain security. The US-China decoupling has disrupted global trade, affecting India’s access to key technologies, raw materials, and markets. The push for friend-shoring and near-shoring has led companies to diversify supply chains, offering India an opportunity to attract investments as an alternative manufacturing hub. However, China remains one of India’s largest trading partners, and an outright economic confrontation would be costly. India must, therefore, navigate a complex economic environment, securing its interests without alienating key partners.

 

Conclusion

Cold War 2.0 has fundamentally reshaped the global security landscape, with military competition emerging as a key aspect of great-power rivalry. Driven by China’s rise, Russia’s resurgence, and the United States’ efforts to maintain its strategic dominance, this new geopolitical contest is marked by military build-ups, shifting alliances, and technological arms races. The military developments have made the world more unstable, with regional conflicts and proxy wars serving as potential flashpoints for broader confrontations. For India, Cold War 2.0 presents both security threats and strategic opportunities. The growing China-Pakistan nexus and Beijing’s assertiveness along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) pose direct military challenges to India. The militarisation of the Indian Ocean, the threat of cyber warfare, and disruptions to global supply chains further complicate India’s security environment. To navigate this evolving conflict, India must bolster its military capabilities, strengthen regional partnerships, and maintain its strategic autonomy to avoid outright confrontation. As Cold War 2.0 continues to unfold, the global military balance will be shaped by how nations adapt to this new era of great-power competition, making it essential for India to proactively safeguard its national security while leveraging opportunities to enhance its geopolitical standing.

 

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Disclaimer:

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References:-

Khosla Anil, “Cold War Redux: Military Aspects of Cold War 2.0”, 16 Dec 24, https://55nda.com/blogs/anil-khosla/2024/12/16/558-cold-war-redux-military-aspects-of-cold-war-2-0/

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