713: THE BOHAI SEA MONSTER: CHINA’S LEAP IN WING-IN-GROUND-EFFECT TECHNOLOGY

 

My Article was  Published in the Aug 25 Edition of

“Life of Soldier” journal.

 

In July 2025, grainy images surfaced on social media, capturing a mysterious maritime behemoth skimming the Bohai Sea off China’s northern coast. The massive four-engine vehicle, dubbed the “Bohai Sea Monster” by intrigued observers, is a wing-in-ground-effect (WIG) craft, a hybrid of aircraft and boat that revives a Cold War-era Soviet concept. It is designed to fly just above the water’s surface, leveraging ground effect for enhanced efficiency, stealth, and speed, potentially outmanoeuvring warships and evading radar.

The Chinese craft features a flying boat hull, military camouflage, and a T-tail with twin vertical stabilisers, indicating a possible amphibious military role. Although China has not officially confirmed the existence of the craft, no official name, designation, or manufacturer has been revealed, leaving uncertainty about whether it is a technology demonstrator or intended for full-scale production. Its development appears to revive Soviet-era technology for modern military use, prompting questions about its role in China’s naval strategy. This advanced prototype showcases China’s growing commitment to leading in cutting-edge maritime technologies.

 

A Glimpse

 

The leaked images provide tantalising clues about the Bohai Sea Monster’s design. One photo shows the craft gliding just above the water’s surface, harnessing the ground-effect phenomenon that allows WIG vehicles to “float” on a cushion of compressed air trapped between their wings and the sea. The second image captures it stationary on a pier, revealing a boat-shaped fuselage, a T-tail configuration with two vertical stabilisers, and wingtip sponsons for stability during takeoff and landing. Four jet engines, mounted high above the wings, suggest powerful propulsion, with possible downward-angled nozzles to enhance lift in ground effect. The craft’s sleek, utilitarian design hints at a military focus, prioritising speed and payload over aesthetic considerations.

Estimated to be comparable in size to China’s AG600 amphibious aircraft (wingspan around 38 meters), the Bohai Sea Monster appears built for heavy-duty roles. Its jet propulsion likely enables speeds exceeding 250 knots (460 km/h), far surpassing those of traditional naval vessels. However, this speed comes at a cost as jet engines consume fuel rapidly, potentially limiting endurance compared to turboprop or hybrid-electric alternatives. The craft’s low-altitude flight, typically 3-10 meters above the water, makes it difficult to detect by radar, offering a stealthy profile that could evade conventional maritime defences, such as mines or submarines.

 

Strategic Implications

China’s development of the Bohai Sea Monster aligns with its broader military modernisation, emphasising asymmetric platforms to project power in contested regions such as the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait. WIG craft offer unique advantages in littoral environments, where traditional naval ships face threats from anti-ship missiles and submarines. By skimming the surface, the Bohai Sea Monster could rapidly deploy troops, deliver supplies, or conduct maritime patrols, supporting China’s island garrisons in the Spratlys or Paracels.

The Bohai Sea Monster’s low-flying profile and high speed make it a challenging target for air defences, though it remains vulnerable in high-threat combat zones. Rough sea states, such as those in the Taiwan Strait (often exceeding Sea State 3), could also limit its operational window, a challenge faced by earlier Soviet WIG craft, like the Lun-class ekranoplan.

The Bohai Sea Monster could transform naval warfare by providing Beijing with a versatile platform for rapid troop deployment, cargo transport, and strategic surprise. Its potential roles could include:-

    • Amphibious Operations. Rapid troop transport to seize or reinforce disputed territories, complementing China’s Type 075 amphibious assault ships.
    • Logistics and Resupply. Delivering critical supplies like fuel, munitions, or medical equipment to remote outposts, reducing reliance on vulnerable sea lanes.
    • Anti-Submarine Warfare. Equipped with sonar or magnetic anomaly detectors, it could hunt submarines in shallow waters.
    • Search and Rescue. Adapting civilian applications of the AG600, the WIG craft could support disaster relief or maritime rescue missions.

 

Global Development of WIG Technology

 

The Bohai Sea Monster draws inspiration from Soviet ekranoplans, developed during the Cold War to exploit ground-effect flight for military advantage. The USSR’s Lun-class, armed with anti-ship missiles, and the massive Caspian Sea Monster demonstrated the potential of WIG technology. Still, high costs and operational limitations led to their abandonment. China, however, has leveraged its expertise in aerodynamics, hydrodynamics, and composite materials to revive this concept. The craft’s jet engines, possibly derived from military turbojets like the WS-10, indicate a focus on speed over fuel efficiency. Future iterations could explore hybrid-electric propulsion, aligning with global trends in sustainable aviation.

The Bohai Sea Monster is part of a global resurgence in WIG technology. Russia continues to explore ekranoplan designs for Arctic and Black Sea operations, while smaller nations, such as Singapore and South Korea, experiment with civilian WIG ferries. Commercial applications, such as high-speed cargo transport or tourism, could also emerge, leveraging the efficiency of ground-effect flight. However, military applications currently dominate efforts, driven by the need for rapid and stealthy platforms in contested maritime zones.

 

The United States, through DARPA’s Liberty Lifter program, aims to develop a heavy-lift WIG craft capable of transoceanic transport. With a first flight planned for 2028-2029, the Liberty Lifter targets a payload capacity exceeding 100 tons, dwarfing the Bohai Sea Monster’s estimated capabilities. Designed by companies such as General Atomics and Aurora Flight Sciences, it prioritises turboprop efficiency and rough-sea operability, addressing the limitations of earlier WIG designs.

 

China’s Project: Prospects and Challenges.

China’s secrecy surrounding the Bohai Sea Monster, lacking an official designation or acknowledgement, fuels speculation. Higher-resolution images or test footage may reveal more about its capabilities, such as payload, range, or armament. For now, it may be a technology demonstrator or an operational prototype. Still, its implications are clear: China is betting on WIG craft to gain a strategic advantage in the Indo-Pacific. The Bohai Sea Monster suggests Beijing is closer to fielding a functional WIG fleet, potentially deploying squadrons by the early 2030s.

 

Despite its promise, the Bohai Sea Monster faces hurdles. Environmental factors, such as high waves or crosswinds, can restrict operations, requiring advanced stabilisation systems. Maintenance of jet engines in salty maritime conditions presents logistical challenges, while crew training for low-altitude, high-speed flight requires specialised expertise. Integrating WIG craft into China’s naval strategy will also require doctrinal shifts, balancing their niche capabilities against traditional platforms, such as destroyers or aircraft carriers.

 

Conclusion

The Bohai Sea Monster is more than a curiosity; it’s a bold statement of China’s technological ambition. By reviving WIG technology, Beijing is carving a niche in naval warfare, blending speed, stealth, and versatility to challenge Western dominance. As the U.S. races to counter with its Liberty Lifter, the Indo-Pacific is poised to become a testing ground for these maritime giants. Whether the Bohai Sea Monster evolves into a game-changer or a costly experiment remains to be seen, but its emergence underscores a new era of innovation in military technology.

 

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Disclaimer:

Information and data included in the blog are for educational & non-commercial purposes only and have been carefully adapted, excerpted, or edited from reliable and accurate sources. All copyrighted material belongs to respective owners and is provided only for wider dissemination.

 

 

References:-

 

  1. Axe, David. “China’s ‘Bohai Sea Monster’ Wing-in-Ground-Effect Craft Spotted in Tests.” The National Interest, July 2025.

 

  1. South China Morning Post. “Mystery ‘Bohai Monster’ Wing-In-Ground Effect Craft Spotted in China’s Bohai Sea.” SCMP, July 2025.

 

  1. Sutton, H. I. “New Chinese WIG Craft Spotted – ‘Bohai Monster’ May Be a Military Ekranoplan.” Naval News, July 2025.

 

  1. Fisher, Richard D., Jr. “China’s Wing-in-Ground-Effect Craft: A New Dimension in Maritime Power Projection.” Jamestown Foundation China Brief, Vol. 25, No. 14, August 2025.

 

  1. Gady, Franz-Stefan. “The Return of the Ekranoplan? China’s WIG Craft and Regional Security.” The Diplomat, July 2025.

 

  1. Hall, David W., and E. Eugene Larrabee. Ground Effect Machines: Design and Applications. Reston, VA: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2000.

 

  1. Holmes, James R. “China’s Maritime Strategy and the Role of Amphibious Platforms.” Naval War College Review, Vol. 77, No. 3, Summer 2024.

 

  1. Office of Naval Intelligence. “China’s People’s Liberation Army Navy: 2025 Modernisation Outlook.” Washington, DC: U.S. Department of the Navy, 2025.

 

  1. Rozhdestvensky, Kirill V. “Wing-in-Ground Effect Vehicles: Modern Developments and Applications.” Progress in Aerospace Sciences, Vol. 42, No. 3, 2006, pp. 211–283.

 

  1. Sutton, H. I. “China’s Mystery WIG Craft: The Bohai Sea Monster Unveiled.” Covert Shores, July 2025.

 

  1. U.S. Defence Advanced Research Projects Agency (DARPA). “Liberty Lifter Program: Technical Overview and Progress Report.” DARPA.mil, March 2025.

 

  1. Xinhua News Agency. “AVIC AG600 Amphibious Aircraft Receives Civilian Certification.” April 15, 2025.

708: CHINA-PAKISTAN-BANGLADESH ALLIANCE: COMPLICATING REGIONAL DYNAMICS

 

In recent years, the evolving geopolitical landscape of South Asia has been redefined by an emerging alignment among China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. The growing convergence between these three countries, particularly under China’s Initiative, is reshaping regional dynamics and presenting new challenges to India and broader Indo-Pacific security arrangements.

 

China-Pakistan Relations. The China-Pakistan relationship, often described as an “all-weather friendship,” has been a cornerstone of regional geopolitics for decades. Rooted in shared strategic interests, particularly countering India, it has been institutionalised through defence cooperation, economic assistance, and infrastructural integration. It has been further deepened through initiatives like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a flagship project of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) launched in 2013, connecting China’s Xinjiang province to Pakistan’s Gwadar port on the Arabian Sea. This strategic partnership has been further solidified by China’s support for Pakistan’s nuclear program and military modernisation, with Pakistan acquiring 70–80% of its weapons from China over the past five years. China has also become Pakistan’s largest arms supplier and a crucial diplomatic ally at forums like the United Nations Security Council, where it has repeatedly shielded Pakistan from international scrutiny over terrorism-related issues.

 

Bangladesh’s Gradual Pivot. Bangladesh’s inclusion in this dynamic marks a shift, particularly following the ouster of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina in July 2024. Hasina’s government maintained a balanced foreign policy, fostering close ties with India while engaging China economically. However, the interim government under Muhammad Yunus has pivoted toward closer relations with Beijing and Islamabad, driven by deteriorating India-Bangladesh ties and China’s proactive engagement. This shift was evident during Yunus’s March 2025 visit to China, where he positioned Bangladesh as a gateway for Chinese economic cooperation in the region, a move that strained relations with India. The motivations behind this convergence are multifaceted. For China, expanding influence in South Asia counters U.S.-India strategic alignment and secures access to the Bay of Bengal and Indian Ocean. Pakistan seeks to bolster its regional relevance. Bangladesh, navigating domestic political transitions, sees alignment with China and Pakistan as a means to secure economic and diplomatic support, particularly through BRI projects.

 

The Triangle Takes Shape. A pivotal development was the trilateral meeting in Kunming, China, on June 19, 2025, involving representatives from China, Pakistan, and Bangladesh. This “informal” consultation, hosted by China, focused on regional cooperation and connectivity, sparking speculation about a new regional bloc to replace SAARC. While Bangladesh’s interim government dismissed claims of a formal alliance, the meeting signaled a strategic intent to enhance collaboration among the three nations.

 

Implications for India. The proposed bloc poses a direct challenge to India. India’s concerns were heightened by comments from Bangladesh’s leadership, such as Yunus’s claim that Bangladesh is the “only guardian” of the Indian Ocean. India, finds itself encircled by Chinese-influenced states on nearly all fronts, Nepal to the north, Pakistan to the west, and Bangladesh and Myanmar to the east. From a maritime perspective, China’s presence in Gwadar (Pakistan) and Chittagong (Bangladesh) gives it a foothold in the Indian Ocean, threatening India’s naval supremacy and potentially undermining the U.S.-led Indo-Pacific strategy. The strategic alignment also threatens India’s northeastern states, especially the vulnerable Siliguri Corridor, which connects mainland India to its northeast.

 

Broader Geopolitical Ramifications. The China-Pakistan-Bangladesh convergence complicates the U.S.-China rivalry in the Indo-Pacific. The U.S., viewing China’s growing influence as a challenge to its regional strategy. This dynamic could intensify Sino-U.S. competition, with Bangladesh’s strategic choices shaping the regional balance of power. Smaller South Asian states, such as Nepal and Sri Lanka, may face pressure to align with either the China-Pakistan-Bangladesh bloc or India, complicating regional integration. The dormancy of SAARC, exacerbated by India’s boycott following the 2016 Uri attack, has created a vacuum that China seeks to fill, potentially reshaping South Asia’s geopolitical architecture.

 

Conclusion. The emerging China-Pakistan-Bangladesh alignment reflects a strategic realignment in South Asia, driven by shared economic and geopolitical interests. While not yet a formal alliance, this convergence challenges India’s regional dominance and complicates the Indo-Pacific strategic landscape. As China expands its influence through BRI and diplomatic engagements, India must navigate a complex dilemma, balancing regional influence with global partnerships. The future of South Asian stability hinges on how these dynamics evolve and whether a new regional bloc can foster cooperation without exacerbating tensions.

 

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Disclaimer:

Information and data included in the blog are for educational & non-commercial purposes only and have been carefully adapted, excerpted, or edited from reliable and accurate sources. All copyrighted material belongs to respective owners and is provided only for wider dissemination.

 

 

References:-

  1. Hindustan Times. “CDS Chauhan Says Convergence between China, Pakistan and Bangladesh Has Implications for Regional Stability.” July 9, 2025.2.
  2. India Today. “To Counter India, China, Pakistan and Bangladesh Creating a Saarc-Replacement.” June 30, 2025.
  3. The Hindu. “Bangladesh, Pakistan, China Hold Inaugural Trilateral Foreign Office Discussion.” June 20, 2025.
  4. The Hindu. “Pakistan, China Working to Establish New Regional Bloc with Potential to Replace SAARC: Report.” June 30, 2025.
  5. Modern Diplomacy. “Bangladesh-Pakistan Thaw and a Regional Realignment.” February 23, 2025.
  6. South Asian Voices. “The Bangladesh-Pakistan-China Triangle and India’s Strategic Dilemma.” April 26, 2025.
  7. The Express Tribune. “Ex-Bangladeshi General Urges China Alliance to Seize India’s Northeast If Pakistan Is Attacked.” May 3, 2025.
  8. United States Institute of Peace. “China’s Influence on Conflict Dynamics in South Asia.” December 16, 2020

707: TURKEY’S TANGO WITH INDIA’S NEIGHBORS A STRATEGIC DANCE WITH REGIONAL IMPLICATIONS

 

My Article published on the “Indus International Research Foundation” website on 18 Jul 25.

 

In the grand theater of global geopolitics, alliances and rivalries shape the dynamics of diplomacy. Over the past decade, Turkey under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has pursued an increasingly assertive foreign policy that extends well beyond its traditional spheres of influence. One of the most intriguing and consequential elements of this strategy is Turkey’s deepening engagement with India’s neighbours. Turkey’s relations with India’s immediate neighbours form a complex web of strategic, military, economic, and ideological engagements. Turkey has pursued a neo-Ottoman foreign policy, leveraging historical ties, Islamic solidarity, and defence exports to expand its influence in South Asia. This “strategic tango” has significant implications for South Asia’s balance of power, particularly from New Delhi’s perspective.

 

Turkey and Pakistan: Ideological Brotherhood beyond Diplomacy

The relationship between Turkey and Pakistan is characterised by its closeness and growing complexity, grounded in a shared Islamic identity, historical connections, and reciprocal geopolitical backing. Under the leadership of Erdoğan, these ties have developed into a strong strategic partnership.

The two nations have engaged in collaboration concerning military training, defence manufacturing, and joint naval exercises. Turkey ranks as Pakistan’s second-largest arms supplier, following China, providing sophisticated military equipment, including Bayraktar TB2 and Asisguard Songar drones, corvettes, missile systems, and enhancements for Pakistan’s F-16 fleet. These exports have strengthened Pakistan’s military capabilities, notably in drone warfare, which constitutes an increasing concern for India along the Line of Control (LoC) and other unstable border regions. During the recent India-Pakistan conflict (Operation Sindoor), reports suggest Turkey supplied Pakistan with between 300 and 400 drones, along with other military assistance, thereby intensifying tensions.

Turkey has also supported Pakistan’s stance on Kashmir, frequently raising the issue at the United Nations and other international forums. Ankara has consistently condemned India’s 2019 abrogation of Article 370, which nullified the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, and has articulated this position at various international platforms, including the United Nations. Conversely, Pakistan endorses Turkey on issues such as the Cyprus dispute and Azerbaijan’s stance in the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, thereby reinforcing their strategic alliance.

By clearly aligning with Pakistan on a sensitive bilateral matter, Turkey has indicated its readiness to confront India on the international stage. This has led to a strong Indian reaction, with tourism bookings to Turkey decreasing by 60% and cancellations increasing by 250% in 2025, along with calls for trade boycotts.

 

Bangladesh: Growing Engagement and Deepening Ties.

Turkey’s diplomatic relations with Bangladesh have markedly strengthened, primarily due to defence collaboration and economic prospects. Ankara has employed a strategic approach incorporating humanitarian assistance, cultural diplomacy, and religious outreach to foster rapport with Dhaka. The Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA) has been actively engaged in Bangladesh, financing educational institutions, healthcare facilities, and infrastructure developments. Furthermore, the administration of President Erdoğan has adopted a firm stance regarding the Rohingya crisis, providing refuge to displaced persons and vocally criticising Myanmar’s policies. This stance aligns closely with the perspectives held by Bangladesh.

Bangladesh has reportedly acquired Turkish Bayraktar TB2 drones. These drones, whilst augmenting Bangladesh’s military capabilities, evoke concerns in India regarding their possible deployment along the shared 4,096-kilometre border. Economically, Turkey has actively engaged with Bangladesh through trade and infrastructure initiatives, capitalising on Dhaka’s expanding economy and strategic positioning. Turkey’s neo-Ottoman ambitions align with certain political factions within Bangladesh, notably those sympathetic to Islamist rhetoric, thereby further fortifying bilateral relations.

This ideological alignment, coupled with defence cooperation, has raised concerns in New Delhi, which fears that Turkey’s influence could destabilise its eastern neighbourhood.

 

Emerging Engagements With Other Neighbours

Turkey has also expanded its focus to smaller South Asian nations, including Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, Myanmar, and the Maldives. These countries, often overlooked in global strategic considerations, possess significant geopolitical importance due to their strategic locations and vulnerability to external influences.

In Nepal, Turkey’s influence is predominantly diplomatic and cultural. Ankara has increased its embassy presence, provided scholarships, and facilitated interfaith dialogue through its Diyanet Foundation. Although not explicitly political, these initiatives form part of Turkey’s broader strategy to extend its influence via cultural engagement and religious diplomacy.

Turkey’s engagements with Sri Lanka are less pronounced but strategically significant. Turkey has pursued economic ties and limited defence cooperation, including potential drone exports. In Bhutan, Turkey’s presence is primarily economic, with investments in infrastructure and trade.

Myanmar, notwithstanding its political instability, has experienced Turkey’s outreach through humanitarian aid and limited defence negotiations, capitalising on shared Islamic affiliations with specific communities. Although these efforts are less advanced than those with Pakistan and Bangladesh, they demonstrate Turkey’s broader strategy to augment its presence in India’s vicinity.

The Maldives, a small island nation located in the Indian Ocean, has attracted interest from numerous international actors, including China, India, and currently Turkey. The government led by Erdoğan has enhanced bilateral engagements and extended development aid. As the archipelago increasingly assumes a pivotal position in the contest for influence within the Indian Ocean, Turkey’s engagement signifies its aspiration to participate actively in regional maritime geopolitics.

 

The China Factor: Converging Interests, Diverging Identities

While not a neighbour in the strict sense, China has a significant influence on India’s strategic outlook and is becoming increasingly important for Turkey as well. Ankara and Beijing share common viewpoints in criticising Western dominance and promoting multipolarity. Turkey participates in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), though with varying enthusiasm. Economic needs have motivated Erdoğan to pursue Chinese investment, especially during Turkey’s ongoing financial instability.

Nevertheless, the relationship encounters some friction. Turkey has historically been a vocal critic of China’s treatment of the Uighurs, a Turkic Muslim minority in Xinjiang. Erdoğan previously characterised Chinese policies as “genocide,” although such rhetoric has become less prominent in recent years as economic pragmatism has gained precedence.

From India’s perspective, Turkey’s ties with China heighten concerns. Both nations have shown a readiness to oppose India on Kashmir and support Pakistan. Although their ideological bases differ—Turkey with its neo-Ottoman and Islamist inclinations, and China with its authoritarian state capitalism—their strategic interests sometimes align, especially in efforts to counter Indian influence.

 

Strategic Implications for India

Turkey’s neo-Ottoman ambitions, propelled by President Erdoğan’s vision of global Islamic leadership, frequently conflict with India’s secular, multipolar foreign policy. Turkey’s increasing engagement with India’s neighbouring countries carries strategic implications that New Delhi must carefully consider. Although Turkey does not possess the economic strength or geographical proximity to directly challenge India, its ideological assertiveness and alignment with adversarial interests render it a disruptive presence in South Asia.

Ankara’s vocal endorsement of Pakistan regarding Kashmir elevates the issue to an international level, countering India’s stance that it is a bilateral matter. This not only strengthens Pakistan’s position but also offers diplomatic protection for narratives that contest India’s territorial sovereignty.

The Turkey-Pakistan alliance, fortified through defence cooperation and shared stances on issues such as Kashmir, remains highly contentious. Turkey’s provision of advanced weapons, including drones and naval equipment, boosts Pakistan’s military strength, directly challenging India’s security along its western border. Additionally, Turkey’s defence collaborations with Bangladesh and the Maldives pose a threat to India’s influence in South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region.

Turkey’s soft power efforts, particularly in Muslim-majority areas, aim to establish Ankara as a leader within the Islamic world. This contrasts with India’s approach, which focuses on building ties with Muslim-majority nations through economic and developmental partnerships, rather than religious solidarity.

Turkey’s growing collaboration with China and Pakistan may constitute a loose yet influential axis characterised by common objectives to curtail Indian influence. While the establishment of a formal alliance appears improbable, convergences on particular issues, such as opposing India’s ascent or supporting anti-Indian narratives, could pose a persistent strategic challenge.

 

India’s Options

In response to Turkey’s assertiveness, India needs to adopt a multifaceted strategy. India’s displeasure needs to be signalled by reducing high-level diplomatic exchanges, and through economic levers such as trade and tourism advisories. Another option is to strengthen ties with countries that view Turkish policies with suspicion. Enhancement of defence and economic cooperation with Greece, Armenia, Cyprus, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) would convey the right message. Closer at home, India needs to leverage its cultural diplomacy, economic strength, and infrastructure investments to counter Turkish influence in neighbouring countries. Initiatives like the BIMSTEC (Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation) and the Indo-Pacific outreach provide platforms that could be used to build alternative narratives to Ankara’s Islamic solidarity approach.

Conclusion

Turkey’s strategic engagement with its neighbours in South Asia, often described metaphorically as a Tango, appears to be more than mere diplomatic manoeuvring. It seems to constitute a deliberate effort to reshape regional alliances and enhance Ankara’s influence within the Muslim world and beyond. For India, this diplomatic dance presents both a challenge and an opportunity: a challenge to its strategic environment and regional influence, and an opportunity to refine its diplomatic strategies and foster resilient partnerships. India must navigate these intricate geopolitical developments with vigilance to safeguard its regional interests. By fortifying its alliances and leveraging its economic and military capacities, India should endeavour to ensure that Turkey’s actions do not destabilise the delicate balance of power in South Asia.

 

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Turkey’s Tango with India’s Neighbours: A Strategic Dance with Regional Implications

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References and credits

To all the online sites and channels.

Pics Courtesy: Internet

Disclaimer:

Information and data included in the blog are for educational & non-commercial purposes only and have been carefully adapted, excerpted, or edited from reliable and accurate sources. All copyrighted material belongs to respective owners and is provided only for wider dissemination.

 

 

References:-

 

  1. Hindu, T. (2025, March 10). India Sees 60% Drop in Tourism to Turkey Amid Kashmir Tensions.
  2. Dawn. (2025, February 15). Turkey Supplies 300–400 Drones to Pakistan During Operation Sindoor, Sources Say.
  3. Jane’s Defence Weekly. (2024, November 20). Turkey’s Defence Exports to Pakistan: Bayraktar TB2 and Beyond.
  4. Ministry of External Affairs, India. (2024). India’s Response to Turkey’s Stance on Kashmir at the UN. New Delhi: Government of India.
  5. Reuters. (2025, January 5). Bangladesh Acquires Turkish TB2 Drones, Raising Concerns in India.
  6. Sharma, A. (2023). Turkey’s Neo-Ottoman Ambitions in South Asia. New Delhi: Observer Research Foundation.
  7. Siddiqui, N. (2024). Pakistan-Turkey Strategic Partnership: Defence and Diplomacy. Islamabad: Institute of Strategic Studies.
  8. Times of India. (2025, April 2). 250% Surge in Cancellations of Turkey Travel Bookings After Operation Sindoor.
  9. Yilmaz, I., & Shakil, K. (2023). Turkey’s Foreign Policy Under Erdoğan: The Rise of Neo-Ottomanism. Journal of South Asian Studies, 46(3), 231–245.
  10. The Diplomat. (2023). Turkey’s Growing Footprint in South Asia: Soft Power or Strategic Intent?

 

  1. Asia Foundation. (2022). Turkey’s Soft Power Diplomacy in Bangladesh and the Rohingya Crisis.

 

  1. Pantucci, R. (2022). China-Turkey Relations: A New Axis of Authoritarian Influence? Royal United Services Institute (RUSI).
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  1. Kugelman, M. (2020). Turkey and Pakistan: A Budding Strategic Alliance? Wilson Center.

 

  1. Anadolu Agency. (2020). Erdoğan Says Kashmir Is as Important to Turkey as It Is to Pakistan.

 

  1. Raja Mohan, C. (2020). The Rise of Turkey in Asia: A Challenge to India’s Regional Position? Carnegie India.
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