749: ISRAEL’S CHANGE IN STRATEGY FROM “MOW THE GRASS” TO “UPROOT THE GRASS”

 

In the world of Israeli military strategy, terms like “mowing the grass” or “mowing the lawn” Vividly illustrate how they handle prolonged asymmetric warfare. These phrases paint a picture of regular military actions that are similar to keeping overgrown grass in check- meant more for containment than complete elimination. The idea is to keep threats under control, preventing them from spiralling out of hand, even though regrowth is expected. The term was introduced by Israeli scholars Efraim Inbar and Eitan Shamir in a 2014 paper, marking a practical shift away from the desire for decisive victories against state enemies. Instead, the focus has moved towards managing groups like Hamas through strategies of attrition and deterrence. This concept emerged in the early 2000s following the Second Intifada (2000–2005), reflecting the ongoing difficulty in resolving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, where political solutions seem hard to reach amid deep-seated ideological differences.

At its core, the strategy reflects Israel’s defensive stance in a challenging regional environment. Instead of aiming for complete elimination—which might require a costly reoccupation of Gaza—Israel prefers to carry out cyclical operations to weaken militant capabilities and create moments of relative calm. This approach resonates with conflicts involving groups like Hamas, who took control of Gaza in 2007 and have since built a complex network of tunnels, rockets, and fighters. The metaphor highlights a sense of resigned acceptance: there’s no permanent resolution without tackling underlying issues like occupation, settlements, and blockades, which both sides see as non-negotiable.

 

Mow the Grass Strategy

Concept. The “mowing the grass” doctrine operates on the principle of limited warfare in asymmetric settings. Its objective is to limit Hamas’s ability to launch rockets, construct tunnels, or escalate attacks, thereby protecting Israeli civilians without committing to full-scale conquest. Means include airstrikes, targeted assassinations of leaders, and the destruction of weapon stockpiles and command centres. These actions aim for temporary threat reduction, often yielding years of reduced hostilities. Unlike traditional military strategies seeking an endgame, this one assumes endless cycles, calibrated to manage risks while avoiding the political and human costs of prolonged occupation.

Operational Logic. Operationally, it draws from the “Dahiya Doctrine,” which advocates disproportionate force to deter future aggression, as seen in the 2006 Lebanon War. This involves a “force/casualty tradeoff,” prioritising Israeli lives by accepting higher enemy losses, including civilians in densely populated areas. Proponents argue this is necessary against an implacable foe ideologically committed to Israel’s destruction, where pure deterrence fails. By imposing costs and delaying rearmament, the strategy reduces attack frequency and scale, allowing Israel to focus on economic growth and alliances.

Key Features. Key features include periodic operations triggered by escalations, such as rocket barrages from Gaza. These are short and sharp, designed to debilitate without toppling regimes that could spawn worse chaos. Escalation is controlled: powerful enough to erode capabilities but limited to minimise international backlash. The strategy reflects broader Israeli security philosophy, conflict management over conflict resolution, until a viable political settlement emerges.

Historical Implementation. Israel’s “mow the grass” strategy has been implemented through several significant military operations in Gaza since Hamas’s 2007 takeover. These operations, characterised by periodic and limited interventions, aim to degrade militant capabilities and achieve temporary deterrence. Below is a detailed overview of the significant operations, their key actions, and their outcomes.

    • Operation Cast Lead (2008–2009). Israel launched a combined air and ground assault on Hamas targets, coupled with the stringent enforcement of the Gaza blockade. The 22 days operation targeted militant infrastructure, including rocket launch sites and command centers. Approximately 1,400 Palestinians were killed, including around 300 militants, while 13 Israelis lost their lives. The operation achieved a temporary reduction in rocket attacks, but Hamas quickly rebuilt its capabilities, underscoring the cyclical nature of the strategy.
    • Operation Pillar of Defence (2012). Focused on airstrikes targeting rocket launch sites and assassinations of key Hamas operatives, this operation aimed to curb escalating rocket fire from Gaza. The 8-day conflict resulted in about 170 Palestinian deaths and 6 Israeli fatalities. An Egypt-mediated ceasefire led to roughly one year of reduced hostilities, demonstrating short-term deterrence but no lasting resolution.
    • Operation Protective Edge (2014). This 50-day operation involved a ground invasion alongside extensive airstrikes, with a focus on destroying Hamas’s tunnel network and weapons stockpiles. Approximately 2,200 Palestinians, mostly civilians, and 73 Israelis were killed. Israel’s Iron Dome system effectively intercepted rockets, but the high civilian toll in Gaza drew significant international criticism, eroding global support despite tactical successes.
    • Operation Guardian of the Walls (2021). Israel conducted airstrikes targeting high-rise buildings and tunnel systems used by Hamas in response to rocket barrages and regional tensions. Around 260 Palestinians and 13 Israelis were killed. The 11-day operation secured a brief period of calm but contributed to deepened radicalisation among Palestinians, highlighting the strategy’s limitations in fostering long-term stability.
    • Operation Breaking Dawn (2022). Targeted strikes were carried out against Palestinian Islamic Jihad, focusing on preemptive disruption of rocket capabilities and leadership. The 3-day operation resulted in 49 Palestinian deaths, including civilians, with no Israeli fatalities due to the Iron Dome’s 97% interception rate. It achieved short-term deterrence but did not alter the broader conflict dynamics.
    • Operation Iron Swords (2023–Ongoing). Triggered by the October 7, 2023, Hamas attack, this operation escalated into a full-scale invasion targeting Hamas’s regime and infrastructure, with unprecedented intensity. Reportedly, approximately 65,000 Palestinians and 2000 Israelis have been killed, with massive displacement in Gaza. This operation marks a shift from containment to an attempt at regime change, with ongoing regional ramifications and no clear resolution.

 

Views and Criticisms.

Divergent Views. Advocates see it as realistic for an unwinnable war. Hamas’s charter calls for Israel’s elimination, rendering diplomacy futile; thus, periodic mowing imposes costs, delays threats, and maintains deterrence. Israeli officials argue it’s the only viable option absent a partner for peace, preventing adversaries from gaining decisive edges like advanced weaponry. In think tanks, it’s praised for buying time until broader changes, such as regional normalisation deals.

Criticisms. Critics, including Palestinian voices and international observers, decry it as unsustainable and morally flawed. It treats symptoms (militant attacks) without addressing causes like the blockade’s humanitarian crisis, fostering poverty and radicalisation. The human cost is staggering: casualty disparities (thousands of Palestinians vs. dozens of Israelis) invite accusations of collective punishment and war crimes. The metaphor itself is dehumanising, equating people to “weeds” in a “lawn” to be mowed, and perpetuating a cycle of violence that boosts Hamas recruitment.

Palestinian Stand. From a Palestinian perspective, it’s seen as a tool of oppression, making Gaza unlivable through periodic “mowing” that destroys infrastructure and lives. Al Jazeera and others label it genocidal anatomy, arguing it normalises asymmetrical warfare where Israel “mows” without accountability. Human rights groups condemn the lack of proportionality, eroding Israel’s international legitimacy amid growing global criticism. Strategically, Hamas adapts with drones and longer-range rockets, exposing the approach’s hubris. Western analysts contrast it with counterinsurgency models emphasising governance, not just force.

 

Change in Strategy

The Hamas-led attack on October 7, 2023, killing 1,200 Israelis and taking 250 hostages, shattered the strategy’s assumptions, revealing deterrence failures. Israel’s response, Operation Iron Swords, marked a pivot from mowing to “uprooting” Hamas via regime change and demilitarisation. As of now, the campaign has killed thousands of Palestinians, displaced millions, and expanded to confront Hezbollah and Iran proxies. Some of the Israeli strategists, including Efraim Inbar, now advocate for a “complete victory” approach, arguing that periodic containment operations are inadequate to counter existential threats posed by groups like Hamas. This shift emphasises decisive regime change and demilitarisation to achieve lasting security.

This shift risks quagmire and regional war, with critics warning of self-perpetuating escalation without diplomacy. Palestinian analysts see it as an intensification of genocide, while Israeli doves lament the abandonment of management for maximalism. Stalled ceasefires underscore the impasse, with no clear endgame.

 

Conclusion

In a broader context, “mow the grass” encapsulates Israel’s adaptation to non-state threats, prioritising survival over resolution. Yet, post-October 7, it highlights the limits of management: delayed catastrophe but not prevention. Debates rage on whether bolder diplomacy or force offers a path forward, substantiated by decades of cycles. As Gaza’s humanitarian crisis deepens, the strategy’s evolution tests Israel’s resilience and global standing. Ultimately, without addressing underlying grievances, mowing or uprooting may only sow seeds for future conflict.

 

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Information and data included in the blog are for educational & non-commercial purposes only and have been carefully adapted, excerpted, or edited from reliable and accurate sources. All copyrighted material belongs to respective owners and is provided only for wider dissemination.

 

References:-

MeHr News Agency. 2024. “Israel Shifts Strategy: From ‘Mowing the Grass’ to ‘Victory.’” October 24, 2022.

Abu Amer, Adnan. 2024. “Is Israel Using Gaza’s ‘Mowing the Lawn’ Strategy in the West Bank?” The New Arab, September 5.

Cohen, Raphael S. 2023. “The Inevitable, Ongoing Failure of Israel’s Gaza Strategy.” RAND Commentary, October 18.

Gibilisco, Michael. 2023. “Mowing the Grass: A Theory of Conflict and Counterinsurgency.” Working Paper.

Shamir, Eitan. 2023. “The End of Mowing the Grass: If Israel Wants to Continue to Exist, It Must Uproot Hamas from Gaza.” BESA Center Perspectives Paper. Ramat Gan, Israel: Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies. October 22.

Taylor, Adam. 2021. “The History of Israel ‘Mowing the Grass’ in Gaza.” Washington Post, May 14.

Reiff, Ben. 2018. “‘Mowing the Grass’ and the Force/Casualty Tradeoff: Israel’s Predictable Response to the Gaza Protests.” Middle East Centre Blog, London School of Economics and Political Science, May 10.

Cohen, Raphael S., David E. Johnson, David E. Thaler, Brenna Allen, Elizabeth M. Bartels, James Cahill, and Shira Efron. 2017. From Cast Lead to Protective Edge: Lessons from Israel’s Wars in Gaza. Research Report RR-1888. Santa Monica, CA: RAND Corporation.

Inbar, Efraim, and Eitan Shamir. 2014. “‘Mowing the Grass’: Israel’s Strategy for Protracted Intractable Conflict.” Journal of Strategic Studies 37 (1): 65–90.

Sherman, Martin, and Daniel Byman. 2014. “Mowing the Grass and Taking Out the Trash.” Foreign Policy, August 25.

Henriksen, Thomas H. 2014. “Mowing the Grass: Why Half-Measures Won’t Solve the Israeli-Palestinian Conflict.” Strategika (Hoover Institution Podcast), September 1.

Council for Arab-British Understanding (Caabu). 2012. “Humanitarian Factsheet: From ‘Cast Lead’ to ‘Pillar of Defence.’” London: Caabu.

741: A Picture is Worth a Thousand Words

 

All Pictures: Courtesy Internet

 

 

SCARY:  स्वच्छ अंतरिक्ष अभियान  NEEDED

 

 

AI ASSITED, MULTI-SENSOR, MULTI WEAPON, LAYERED DEFENCE SYSTEMS REQUIRED TO DEAL WITH THIS THREAT 

 

 

 

 

HIGH WORKING  AGE POPULATION: A TWO EDGED SWORD

 

 

 

RESULTS OF USING ITS DEEP POCKETS AND CHEQUE BOOK DIPLOMACY

 

 

 

FACTORY OF THE WORLD  FOR NO REASON

 

 

 

MILITARY INDUSTRIAL COMPLEX – INFLUENCING THE WORLD AFFAIRS

 

 

 

NO WONDERS USA IS INVOLVED IN EVERY WAR

 

 

 

GETTING A FOOT HOLD – LONG AND CHALLENGING WAY AHEAD

 

 

EXPENSIVE INSTRUMENTS OF BVR,  NO CONTACT WARFARE 

 

 

Value Additions are most Welcome

 

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733: DRAGON’S DANCE ON TOP OF THE WORLD’S ROOF

 

Article published on the “Life Of Soldier” website on 02 Sep 25

 

Tibet, a land of ancient monasteries, rugged plateaus, and a deeply spiritual culture, has been under Chinese control since the 1950s, with the annexation solidified by 1959. For over six decades, Tibetans have endured what many describe as a systematic erosion of their identity, culture, and autonomy. Yet, the Tibetan people have demonstrated extraordinary resilience, keeping their cause alive through peaceful resistance, global advocacy, and an unwavering belief in the right to self-determination.

 

Historical Context: A Peaceful Nation Disrupted

Before the Chinese invasion, Tibet functioned as a sovereign entity with its government, army, language, religion, and distinct culture. Governed by Buddhist principles under the spiritual and political leadership of the Dalai Lama, Tibet was a theocratic society where religion was not only a personal belief but the cornerstone of national identity.

In 1950, the People’s Liberation Army entered eastern Tibet under the banner of “liberation.” The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) claimed historical sovereignty over Tibet dating back centuries, a claim widely disputed by Tibetan scholars and leaders. Regardless of the legitimacy of such claims, the fact remains that Tibet was functioning as a self-governing nation when Chinese troops crossed its borders.

In 1951, under immense military pressure, Tibetan representatives were coerced into signing the Seventeen-Point Agreement, which promised autonomy and respect for Tibetan religion and culture in exchange for accepting Chinese sovereignty. Beijing quickly violated many of these terms, accelerating troop deployments, political infiltration, and restrictions on religious practices.

By 1959, tensions reached a breaking point. Thousands of Tibetans gathered around the Norbulingka Palace in Lhasa, fearing that the Chinese military planned to kidnap the Dalai Lama. The protests escalated into a full-fledged uprising. The Chinese responded with overwhelming force, killing tens of thousands. On March 17, 1959, the Dalai Lama fled to India, where he established a government-in-exile in Dharamshala. His departure marked the beginning of mass exile and the scattering of the Tibetan diaspora.

 

Cultural Erosion: Sinification

China’s policies in Tibet aim to assimilate the region into the broader Han Chinese framework, a process known as Sinification. This is evident in several areas. First, the Tibetan language is marginalised. Mandarin is prioritised in schools, government, and public life, with Tibetan-medium education increasingly restricted. A 2020 Human Rights Watch report noted that Tibetan children are often separated from their families and sent to Mandarin-only boarding schools, disrupting cultural transmission.

Religious repression is another cornerstone of China’s strategy. Tibetan Buddhism, central to the region’s identity, faces severe restrictions. Monasteries are closely monitored, and monks are required to pledge loyalty to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP); images of the Dalai Lama are also banned. The 11th Panchen Lama, Gedhun Choekyi Nyima, recognised by the Dalai Lama in 1995, was abducted by Chinese authorities at age six and has not been seen since. China installed its own Panchen Lama, a move widely rejected by Tibetans.

Demographic changes further threaten Tibetan identity. The Chinese government encourages Han Chinese migration to Tibet, particularly to urban centers like Lhasa. This has shifted population dynamics, with Tibetans becoming minorities in their homeland. A 2015 estimate suggested that Han Chinese make up nearly 40% of Lhasa’s population, diluting Tibetan cultural influence.

 

The Human Cost

According to the International Campaign for Tibet, thousands of political prisoners are currently detained in Tibet, many of them monks, writers, and ordinary citizens. Reports from organisations like Amnesty International and Freedom House document widespread surveillance, arbitrary detentions, and torture of political prisoners. Tibetans face restrictions on movement, with checkpoints and a “grid management” system monitoring daily life. The CCP’s “social stability” policies have led to the imprisonment of thousands for expressing dissent or practising their religion.

Forced labour programs, similar to those reported in Xinjiang, have emerged in Tibet. A 2020 report by the Jamestown Foundation revealed that over 500,000 Tibetans were coerced into labour training programs, often under military-style supervision, to align them with Chinese economic goals. These programs disrupt traditional nomadic lifestyles and tie Tibetans to state-controlled industries.

Despite the extreme repression, Tibetans have not taken up arms. Their resistance has been rooted in nonviolence, inspired by the teachings of the Dalai Lama. This moral high ground has garnered Tibet worldwide sympathy and support.

 

Environmental Exploitation

Tibet, known as the “Third Pole” for its vast glaciers, is a critical ecological zone. Its rivers, including the Brahmaputra and Mekong, supply water to billions across Asia. Under Chinese control, Tibet’s environment has been exploited for resource extraction and infrastructure. Large-scale mining and damming projects pose a significant threat to ecosystems and downstream water security. A 2021 study estimated that 80% of Tibet’s glaciers are receding due to climate change and human activity, with Chinese projects exacerbating the damage.

Nomadic Tibetans, who have sustainably managed these lands for centuries, are forcibly relocated to urban centres under the guise of poverty alleviation. This disrupts traditional land stewardship and contributes to environmental degradation. Free Tibet, a UK-based advocacy group, reported in 2023 that over 900,000 nomads have been displaced since 2000, undermining both cultural and ecological balance.

 

The Case for Self-Determination: Struggle for Justice

The Tibetan cause is not merely about a strip of land in the Himalayas. It is a struggle for the survival of a civilisation, its language, religion, identity, and autonomy. Around the world, Tibetan exiles have established vibrant communities that continue to preserve their culture. The Central Tibetan Administration, based in India, operates like a government-in-waiting, promoting democratic values and advocating for meaningful autonomy rather than complete independence, a shift in strategy designed to garner broader international support.

The principle of self-determination, enshrined in the UN Charter, supports Tibet’s right to decide its future. Tibetans have consistently called for autonomy or independence, as evidenced by the Dalai Lama’s “Middle Way” approach, which seeks genuine autonomy within the People’s Republic of China. Yet, Beijing rejects even this moderate proposal, insisting on total control. The Tibetan government-in-exile, based in Dharamsala, India, continues to advocate for Tibetan rights; however, without international backing, its influence remains limited.

Geopolitically, a free or autonomous Tibet could stabilise the region. China’s control over Tibet gives it strategic leverage over South Asia, particularly India, through border disputes and water control. An autonomous Tibet could serve as a buffer state, reducing tensions. Moreover, supporting Tibetan freedom aligns with democratic values and challenges authoritarian overreach.

 

Future: A Vision for a Free Tibet

Beijing insists Tibet is now “peaceful, prosperous, and free.” But peace without freedom is silence, and prosperity without culture is hollow. Development projects in Tibet have often benefited Han Chinese migrants more than Tibetans, and infrastructure like the Qinghai-Tibet railway has served to accelerate demographic change and resource extraction.

A free Tibet does not mean reversing history to a pre-1950 state but restoring the right of Tibetans to govern themselves, practice their culture, and protect their environment. The Dalai Lama’s vision of autonomy offers a pragmatic path.

Yet the Tibetan spirit endures. From the high plateau to refugee camps in Nepal and classrooms in New York, young Tibetans are learning their language, studying their history, and carrying forward their people’s story. Technology, despite China’s censorship, offers new avenues for education and solidarity.

 

Conclusion

Tibet’s struggle is not over. It is not forgotten. It is the story of a people whose homeland was taken, whose religion was attacked, and whose culture was targeted for erasure, yet who refused to respond with hatred. In a world increasingly defined by authoritarianism and apathy, Tibetans offer a model of dignity, nonviolence, and perseverance. Tibet’s struggle serves as a litmus test for the global commitment to human rights and self-determination. If the world allows a culture as vibrant as Tibet’s to be erased, it sets a precedent for other authoritarian regimes to act with impunity. The time to act is now, before Tibet’s identity is entirely subsumed.

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References:-

  1. Free Tibet. Forced Displacement of Tibetan Nomads. Free Tibet, 2023.
  2. Tibetan Centre for Human Rights and Democracy. Self-Immolations in Tibet: A Chronology. TCHRD, 2023.
  3. International Campaign for Tibet. Panchen Lama: The Disappeared Tibetan Child. International Campaign for Tibet, 2021.
  4. World Wide Fund for Nature (WWF). The Third Pole: Understanding Asia’s Water Tower. WWF, 2021.
  5. Human Rights Watch. China’s Bilingual Education Policy in Tibet: Tibetan-Medium Schooling Under Threat. Human Rights Watch, 2020.
  6. The Jamestown Foundation. China’s “Poverty Alleviation” in Tibet: Coercive Labour Programs and the Destruction of Tibetan Rural Livelihoods. Jamestown Foundation, 2020.
  7. Central Tibetan Administration. Tibet Was Never Part of China, but the Middle Way Approach Remains a Viable Solution. Central Tibetan Administration, 2018.
  8. Amnesty International. China: Tibet Autonomous Region: Access Denied. Amnesty International, 2015.
  9. Wong, Edward, and Vanessa Piao. “Tibetans Fight to Salvage Fading Culture in China.” The New York Times, 28 Nov. 2015.
  10. Smith, Warren W., Jr. China’s Tibet?: Autonomy or Assimilation. Rowman & Littlefield, 2008.
  11. Goldstein, Melvyn C. A History of Modern Tibet, Volume 2: The Calm Before the Storm, 1951–1955. University of California Press, 2007.
  12. Shakya, Tsering. The Dragon in the Land of Snows: A History of Modern Tibet Since 1947. Columbia University Press, 1999.

 

 

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