798: IRAN’S MOSAIC DEFENCE AND DISTRIBUTED COMMAND ARCHITECTURE

 

Iran’s Mosaic Defence doctrine is one of the most deliberately constructed asymmetric military strategies of the 21st century, and the ongoing US-Israel military campaign against Iran — Operation Epic Fury, launched February 28, 2026 — has provided its first real-time stress test against a peer-level adversary. The doctrine’s performance in the opening weeks of that conflict has validated decades of Iranian military planning and confounded Western expectations of rapid regime collapse.

Iran’s defence doctrine was shaped by two formative historical experiences: the 1980–88 Iran-Iraq War and Israel’s intervention in Lebanon. Both anchored ballistic missiles and proxy networks are core instruments of Iranian strategy. But the formal doctrine crystallised from a more recent lesson. Iranian military planners studied US operations in Iraq, Afghanistan, and the Balkans, concluding above all from the 2003 collapse of Saddam Hussein’s centralised regime that highly centralised militaries collapse quickly once their leadership is struck. As Foreign Minister Araghchi put it: “We’ve had two decades to study defeats of the US military to our immediate east and west. Bombings in our capital have no impact on our ability to conduct war. Decentralised Mosaic Defence enables us to decide when — and how — war will end.”

 

Formalisation and Architecture

The doctrine was formalised in 2005 when the IRGC, under General Mohammad Jafari, announced the Mosaic Defence model: a decentralised command-and-control system restructured into 31 separate provincial commands. Each of Iran’s 31 provinces has its own IRGC headquarters, command structure, weapons stockpile, and intelligence capability — effectively a complete military system in miniature. “Every province is a mosaic, and the commanders have the ability and power to make decisions,” analyst Farzin Nadimi has noted. “So when they are cut off from their command in Tehran, they can still function as a cohesive military force.”

 

Under this model, the IRGC, regular army, missile units, naval assets, and the Basij militia form a distributed defence network. If one unit is destroyed, others continue operating independently. The architecture was designed against one specific adversary capability: the decapitation strike.

 

The Four Operational Pillars

Asymmetric Warfare and Cost Imposition. Rather than conventional force-on-force engagement, the doctrine imposes prohibitive costs through endurance — survive the initial shock, keep retaliating through multiple channels, and raise the costs of a prolonged campaign until continuation becomes politically untenable for the attacker.

Distributed Command with Pre-Delegated Authority. Iranian sources described how the Revolutionary Guards delegated authority far down the ranks and built “successor ladders” so units continue operating if commanders are killed. Each provincial command operates with overlapping chains of command and dispersed stockpiles — not just decentralisation but redundancy at every level. Provincial IRGC units can call upon Basij forces during crises. This enables a multi-level defence that is largely unfazed by decapitation strikes.

Missile Arsenal as Strategic Anchor. Iran’s ballistic missile capability is the backbone of the mosaic architecture. Distributed missile batteries across 31 provincial commands mean that neutralising Iran’s missile threat requires destroying 31 separate, geographically dispersed launch systems rather than a single centralised arsenal — an operation orders of magnitude more complex than a leadership strike.

The Axis of Resistance as Strategic Depth. National security is not limited to the protection of national territory; it rests on preventing confrontation from spilling over national borders. Hezbollah, the Houthis, Iraqi Shia militias, and Syrian proxy forces each represent distributed nodes of retaliatory capacity operating semi-independently of Tehran — a regional application of the same mosaic logic applied domestically. Acting upon nodes across the Middle East’s interconnected system of military bases, maritime chokepoints, and energy corridors can transform a localised confrontation into a crisis with global repercussions.

 

The 2026 Operational Test

The initial US-Israeli campaign followed the standard Western pattern. It aimed to create a systemic collapse by destroying command centres, communications nodes, and senior figures. The US campaign did not yield the desired results. On the contrary, it highlighted the fundamental characteristic of the Iranian system, i.e. its capacity to absorb strategic shock.

Rather than triggering disintegration, the loss of the decision-making center appears to have accelerated the activation of a resilience mechanism already embedded in Iranian doctrine. What has emerged is that the Iranian strategic model can be described as “war without a centre”.  The military capability is organised not around a single decision-making nucleus, but across an array of interconnected tactical centers.

The system seems to be working. The independent Iranian military units (somewhat isolated) are acting based on general instructions given to them in advance. They have responded to heavy bombardment by firing unprecedented barrages of ballistic missiles and kamikaze drones at Israel, US military and diplomatic facilities across the Middle East, and critical energy infrastructure in the Persian Gulf.

 

Doctrinal Vulnerabilities

Mosaic Defence, however, does carry significant structural vulnerabilities.

  • Coordination Problem. Decentralisation enables resilience; however, it simultaneously creates coordination challenges. It becomes difficult to coordinate with the autonomous provincial units.
  • Strategic Coherence. Without a clear political direction, the doctrine designed for endurance risks prolonging the conflict, without achieving any meaningful strategic outcomes. Military persistence must eventually convert into political outcomes.
  • Dependency on Political Cohesion. The doctrine depends on public support and internal unity. Provincial commanders operating with pre-delegated authority must be politically reliable as well as militarily capable — a requirement that becomes more demanding as the human and economic costs of sustained conflict accumulate.
  • Escalation Unpredictability. Units acting on general instructions given in advance, without real-time central guidance, are inherently prone to escalation. The doctrine that gives Iran resilience also makes selective de-escalation difficult. These units may not be reachable for recall or restraint.

 

Strategic Implications

For US and Israeli Doctrine. The most significant implication is that the standard Western decapitation playbook, which worked against Iraq in 2003 and Libya in 2011, did not work against Iran. Defeating mosaic defence requires not precision strikes on central nodes but sustained, comprehensive degradation of 31 independent provincial systems simultaneously.

For India’s Strategic Assessment of War Duration. The activation of Iran’s mosaic defence has direct implications for India. It implies that Hormuz closure is not a temporary measure, but a potentially sustained strategic instrument. India must plan for a prolonged, rather than brief, disruption scenario.

For India’s Structural Reorganisation. In terms of military doctrine, Iran’s architecture offers relevant insights for India’s distributed warfighting requirements. The concept of 31 self-contained provincial commands maps directly onto questions about India’s theatre command architecture. The lesson that decentralised command enables resilience is relevant to India’s two-front scenario planning.

For the Theory of Modern Warfare. The emergence of “war without a center” as an operational reality, rather than just a theoretical concept. It poses a fundamental challenge to the Western doctrine of rapid dominance. The assumption that power is concentrated in a single center, and that striking that center causes strategic paralysis has been disproven in real time. The broader implication is that the era of quick, decisive, decapitation-based military victories against a sophisticated adversary, who has studied and prepared specifically for such an approach, may be fundamentally over.

 

Analytical Perspective

Iran’s Mosaic Defence represents a genuinely innovative solution to a fundamental strategic problem—the problem of facing a technologically superior adversary by a militarily inferior state. The challenge is to survive the first strike and sustain the fight long enough to make the cost of continuation prohibitive for the attacker. The solution lies in distributing everything, pre-delegating authority, building redundancy at every level, and making the system function as a web rather than a hierarchy.

This doctrine’s greatest success is not operational but psychological. In the case of the war in Iran, it has converted Iran’s structural military inferiority into a manageable constraint. It has ensured that the adversary’s greatest advantages (i.e., precision, speed, and decapitation capability) did not translate into a rapid victory on which the entire campaign logic depended. Iran has prepared itself for a long war. Whether that long war serves Iran’s strategic interests better than a rapid defeat would have done is a question the doctrine itself cannot answer.

 

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References:

  1. Connell, M. (2010). Iran’s military doctrine. CNA Analysis and Solutions.
  1. Eisenstadt, M. (2011). The strategic culture of the Islamic Republic of Iran: Religion, expediency, and soft power in an era of disruptive change. Middle East Journal, 65(4), 551–570.
  1. Golkar, S. (2015). Captive society: The Basij militia and social control in Iran. Columbia University Press.
  1. Jafari, M. (2005). Mosaic defence doctrine: IRGC restructuring framework [Internal IRGC policy document, as cited in open-source analyses].
  1. Nadimi, F. (2020). Iran’s evolving approach to asymmetric naval warfare: Strategy and capabilities in the Gulf. Washington Institute for Near East Policy.
  1. Ostovar, A. (2016). Vanguard of the Imam: Religion, politics, and Iran’s Revolutionary Guards. Oxford University Press.
  1. Takeyh, R. (2009). Guardians of the Revolution: Iran and the world in the age of the Ayatollahs. Oxford University Press.
  1. Ward, S. (2009). Immortal: A military history of Iran and its armed forces. Georgetown University Press.
  1. Pape, R. A. (1996). Bombing to win: Air power and coercion in war. Cornell University Press.
  1. Reuters. (2024). Iran’s Revolutionary Guards delegate authority down the chain of command amid preparations for conflict. Reuters.

797: HYPERSONIC WEAPONS AND MISSILE DEFENCE 2.0:  NEW STRATEGIC CALCULUS

 

Paper published in the April 2026 edition of “The News Analytics” Journal

 

Hypersonic weapons are weapons capable of sustained flight at Mach 5 or higher. Existing missile defence systems do not cater for this new threat. Their speed and manoeuvrability demand a new approach to early warning and subsequent neutralisation. These weapons are emerging as highly valued systems for militaries worldwide.  Their rapid development marks a turning point in military technology and strategic thought. These weapons are giving a new meaning to deterrence and stability.

Hypersonic Weapons. Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles (ICBMs) can also reach hypersonic speeds. However, they travel through space in a predictable parabolic arc.  Their trajectory becomes predictable, and long-range radars can track them. On the other hand, the characteristics of hypersonic weapons include sustained high speed, increased manoeuvrability, and a high-altitude trajectory (in the upper atmosphere – higher than cruise missiles but lower than the apogee of ballistic missiles). These attributes of hypersonic weapons are blurring the line between ballistic and cruise missiles. Hypersonic weapons are classified into two categories: hypersonic glide vehicles (HGVs) and hypersonic cruise missiles (HCMs). HGVs are carried and launched from ballistic missiles. Post-separation, they glide through the upper atmosphere at extreme speeds following a controllable trajectory. HCMs sustain hypersonic flight within the atmosphere using advanced scramjet engines. Hypersonic weapons can alter their trajectory. This adds to the complexity of detecting, tracking, and intercepting them. High speed also compresses decision-making time. It shortens the window for assessing the threat and making a decision on counteraction.

Speed and Manoeuvrability: A Strategic Game-Changer. Hypersonic missiles are commonly depicted as a “game changer and the unprecedented capabilities of these weapons portend a revolution in missile warfare. It is considered that the speed, accuracy, and manoeuvrability of hypersonic boost-glide weapons will fundamentally change the character of warfare. Developments in hypersonic propulsion will revolutionise warfare by enabling faster strikes. With unmatched speed, these weapons will likely hit over-the-horizon targets in a fraction of the time. This claimed speed advantage is ostensibly accompanied by near-immunity to detection, rendering hypersonic weapons “nearly invisible” to existing early warning systems. Together, these capabilities will significantly compress decision and response times.

 

Missile Defence 2.0: Adapting to the Hypersonic Age

Missile Defence in the Pre-Hypersonic Era. Existing defences are primarily designed to counter ballistic missiles. They rely on layered architectures that include early-warning launch detection, long-range radar-based trajectory tracking, and interception. The destruction could occur during the boost, midcourse, or terminal phases.  These systems operate on the logic of predictability. However, these systems are not optimised for low-flying targets that manoeuvre frequently and have little warning time.

Hypersonic Threat Mitigation. A comprehensive missile defence strategy is required to provide an integrated and practical capability to counter ballistic, cruise, and hypersonic missile threats. The speed of hypersonic weapons leaves little time to compute a fire-control solution, communicate with command authorities, and complete an engagement to intercept them actively. Anti-Hypersonic defence would require a combination of disruptive data links and sensors, space-based tracking sensors, and innovative interception methods. Some passive defensive measures against traditional missiles are also effective against hypersonic weapons; these include deception, dispersal, hardening, concealment, etc.

Missile Defence 2.0. To counter hypersonic threats, defence developers are exploring what might be called Missile Defence 2.0. This concept emphasises integration, speed, and adaptability. One key area is sensor networks. Future defences rely on constellations of space-based infrared and tracking satellites that can track hypersonic weapons throughout their flight. Methods of interception also need to evolve. Instead of relying solely on kinetic weapons, multiple new interceptors may be required to neutralise the threat. Artificial intelligence would be essential for data fusion from multiple sensors. Another element of Missile Defence 2.0 is layered resilience rather than perfect protection, recognising that no defence will be impenetrable.

Hypersonic Race

The United States, China, and Russia are competing to develop these weapons. They would be fielding a wide array of hypersonic systems in the coming decades. The development of short-, medium-, and long-range variants of these weapons by major powers is resulting in an arms race. These technologies are changing the nature of warfare, and they have the potential to destabilise the global security environment.

USA. The U.S. has pursued both hypersonic weapons technologies since the early 2000s. It has sought to develop longer-range systems capable of reaching deep into an adversary’s territory to attack defended, hardened, and time-urgent targets. The Department of Defence (DOD) is developing hypersonic weapons under the Navy’s Conventional Prompt Strike program and through several Air Force, Army, and DARPA programs.

Russia. Russia is reportedly the first nation to deploy a hypersonic missile. It characterises these weapons as a centrepiece of its security strategy and has extensively tested at least three distinct hypersonic systems. Russia’s HGV, known as Avangard, is equipped with a nuclear warhead and deployed on SS-19 long-range land-based ballistic missiles. Avangards reportedly feature onboard countermeasures and can manoeuvre in flight to evade ballistic missile defences. Russia has successfully fielded the Zircon and Kinzhal hypersonic weapons, and it has launched the air-launched Kinzhal hypersonic missiles (with a speed of Mach 10 and a payload of 480kg) against Ukraine.

China. China has made a significant effort to match Russian and U.S. capabilities. It has invested heavily in the hypersonic research, development, test, and evaluation programs in the past decade. China is also investing heavily in hypersonic development infrastructure and weapon systems, reportedly outpacing the United States in testing these technologies. China has developed an HGV known as the DF-ZF, previously referred to as the WU-14. China is also developing the DF-41 long-range intercontinental ballistic missile, which could carry a nuclear hypersonic glide vehicle.

India. India has been investing in hypersonic weapon development. In Sep 2020, India successfully tested the Hypersonic Technology Demonstrator Vehicle (HSTDV). HSTDV is a hypersonic unmanned scramjet demonstration aircraft. In addition to the HSTDV program, India is continuing its research and development efforts across various aspects of hypersonic technology (propulsion systems, materials science, and guidance systems). In July 2025, India reportedly conducted a successful test of a hypersonic cruise missile capable of reaching Mach 8 under Project Vishnu. Reportedly, the project aims to develop the Extended Trajectory-Long Duration Hypersonic Cruise Missile (ET-LDHCM), a weapon system that will fundamentally enhance India’s strategic capabilities.

Great Power Competition and Technological Asymmetry. The development of hypersonic weapons has the potential to create a new form of asymmetry. In technologically advanced states, having these weapons gives them an edge in overcoming opponents’ defences. On the other hand, smaller or less tech-savvy states find it difficult to keep up. This creates a growing divide between the “haves” and the “have-nots.” This asymmetry is reshaping the strategic calculus. Major powers may become aggressive, while weaker states may double down on asymmetric strategies such as cyber operations or unconventional warfare.

Implications for Deterrence Stability. The most concerning aspect of hypersonics is their impact on deterrence stability. During the Cold War, stability was based on the philosophy of “Mutually Assured Destruction”.  However, now with reduced reaction time, the risk of miscalculation has increased dramatically. The shift is taking place from ‘Launch on Warning’ to ‘Launch on Uncertainty’. States may get tempted to launch their own weapons at the first sign of a perceived threat. This “crisis instability” is compounded by Strategic Ambiguity: most hypersonic vehicles can carry either a conventional or nuclear payload, leaving an adversary to guess the stakes of an incoming strike.

 

Conclusion

Technology is a good gadget, but a destructive weapon. Hypersonic weapons signify a significant advancement in military technology. These weapons are even more powerful than traditional ballistic ones because of their incredible speed and agility. Many countries are actively working on developing and testing them. At the same time, Missile Defence 2.0 is evolving to counter this new threat. It includes advanced sensors, smarter interceptors, and a robust architecture to provide better protection.  The proliferation of hypersonic weapons could have significant implications for the global security landscape. Their speed and manoeuvrability could reduce decision-making time in crises, increasing the risk of miscalculation. The development of hypersonic weapons is also starting a new arms race, as countries seek to maintain or gain military superiority in this field.

 

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References:-

  1. “Hypersonic missiles: What are they and can they be stopped?”, Partyard Defence, May 10, 2019. https://partyardmilitary.com/hypersonic-missiles-what-are-they-and-can-they-be-stopped/
  1. “Hypersonic Technology”, Drishti IAS, 10 Oct 21. https://www.drishtiias.com/daily-updates/daily-news-analysis/hypersonic-technology-2
  1. “Russia, China, the U.S.: Who Will Win the Hypersonic Arms”, IEEE Spectrum, Dec 2020. https://spectrum.ieee.org/russia-china-the-us-who-will-win-the-hypersonic-arms-race
  1. Air Marshal Anil Khosla, “Hypersonic Long Range Weapons”, Air Marshals’ Perspective, 10 Nov 2021. https://55nda.com/blogs/anil-khosla/2021/11/10/hypersonic-long-range-weapons/
  1. Air Marshal Anil Khosla, “Countering Hypersonic Weapon Threat: A Difficult But Manageable Problem”, Air Marshals’ Perspective, 07 Jun 2024. https://55nda.com/blogs/anil-khosla/2024/06/07/countering-hypersonic-weapon-threat-a-difficult-but-manageable-problem/
  1. Tom Karako and Masao Dahlgren, “Complex Air Defence Countering the Hypersonic Missile Threat”, A Report of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) Missile Defence Project, February 2022.
  1. Rylie White, “An Emerging Threat: The Impact of Hypersonic Weapons on National Security, Crisis Instability, and Deterrence Strategy”, Potomac Institute for Policy Studies.
  1. David Roza, “Why Hypersonic Missiles’ Greatest Strength Also Makes Them Vulnerable”, Air and Space Forces Magazine, Dec 2023.
  1. Col Mandeep Singh, “Countering Hypersonics”, Indian Defence Review, Jan 2024.
  1. Economic Times. (2025, July 16). Why India’s new hypersonic missile may outrun Israel’s Iron Dome and Russia’s S-500 and shift the balance in Asia.
  1. Aroor, Shiv. “India’s Hypersonic Missile Ambitions: DRDO’s Project Vishnu and the Road Ahead.” India Today.

796: THE RULES-BASED INTERNATIONAL ORDER: AN ANALYTICAL OVERVIEW

 

The Rules-Based International Order (RBIO) refers to the framework of multilateral institutions. It includes legal norms, treaties, and agreed principles that govern interstate relations.  Its foundational architecture was constructed between 1944 and 1948 (at Bretton Woods, San Francisco, and Geneva). It rests on several interlocking pillars, namely, the United Nations system and its Charter, the Bretton Woods financial institutions (IMF and World Bank), the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (later the WTO), international humanitarian law, the Geneva Conventions, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, and a constellation of specialised agencies addressing everything from civil aviation to maritime law.

 

RBIO: Core Principle and Architecture. The core logic of the RBIO is that states conduct their international relations according to agreed-upon rules, irrespective of their relative power. Sovereignty of every nation is respected. Disputes are resolved through negotiation, arbitration, or settlement rather than force. The architecture has four distinct dimensions.

    • The security dimension is embedded in the UN Charter. It prohibits the use of force except in self-defence or with Security Council authorisation.
    • The economic dimension is based on open trade. The IMF and the World Bank provided financial stability and development assistance.
    • The legal dimension encompasses international humanitarian law, the law of the sea (UNCLOS), diplomatic immunity conventions, and the human rights law.
    • The normative dimension consists of shared expectations about sovereignty, non-interference in internal affairs, and the illegitimacy of territorial conquest by force.

 

Strengths and Achievements. The RBIO’s achievements between 1945 and roughly 2000 were genuinely significant. It presided over the longest period without a great-power war in modern history. It managed the decolonisation of Asia and Africa without a general war. It provided the framework within which the Cold War was conducted without becoming a hot war. The NPT successfully limited nuclear proliferation far below what analysts predicted in the 1960s. The WTO oversaw the greatest expansion of international trade and the associated reduction in poverty in human history. The UN system provided a forum for diplomatic management of crises. For smaller states, the RBIO provided something particularly valuable: the principle of sovereign equality. A small state in the RBIO has the same legal standing as a large one, the same right to vote in the General Assembly, the same protection from invasion under the UN Charter, and the same access to the WTO dispute settlement mechanism. This was not merely formal; it genuinely constrained the behaviour of large states in ways that pure power politics would not have.

 

Erosion and Challenges. The RBIO has been under sustained pressure since at least the early 2000s, and that pressure has intensified dramatically in the past decade. Several forces are driving its erosion simultaneously.

    • Great-power revisionism is the most fundamental challenge. China and Russia (both permanent Security Council members) have concluded that the order serves American interests more than those of the others. Both powers have made clear that they regard the RBIO as an American instrument of hegemonic management rather than a genuinely neutral framework of rules.
    • American ambivalence has further eroded its credibility. The United States has repeatedly violated RBIO in pursuit of its interests. It has been invading countries without Security Council authorisation. The Trump administration’s explicit scepticism of multilateral institutions, its withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, the Iran nuclear deal, and UNESCO, and its transactional approach to alliances have all signalled American willingness to instrumentalise or abandon the RBIO framework.
    • Institutional dysfunction has made the order less capable of responding to its own violations. The UN Security Council’s veto mechanism, designed as a great-power concert that would enforce collective security, has been paralysed by great-power competition: Russia and China routinely block action on issues where Western powers seek Council authorisation. In contrast, Western powers do the same in reverse.

 

The RBIO and India

India’s relationship with the RBIO is historically complex and strategically consequential. India benefited to some extent from the RBIO in the process of decolonisation.  India has also been a persistent critic of it, particularly during the Cold War, when the “rules” appeared to serve the interests of the superpowers more than those of the newly independent Global South.

India’s founding foreign policy framework (non-alignment) was, in significant part, a rejection of the Cold War RBIO’s demand that states choose sides. India insisted on the right to conduct its foreign policy according to its own interests rather than as a subordinate within one of the blocs. This instinct has evolved into the contemporary period as “strategic autonomy”, i.e., India’s resistance to formal alliances, its simultaneous maintenance of relationships with multiple powers, and its selective engagement with multilateral institutions.

India’s current RBIO stance is sophisticated and deliberately ambiguous. India rhetorically endorses the RBIO — particularly its sovereignty and non-interference norms, which protect smaller states from great-power coercion — while simultaneously resisting specific RBIO rules that constrain its own behaviour or that it regards as serving others’ interests. India’s approach is therefore not revisionist in the Chinese or Russian sense. It is not seeking to dismantle the order.  

The erosion of RBIO creates specific dilemmas for India. On the one hand, the weakening of sovereignty norms and the normalisation of great-power unilateralism expose India to greater pressure from China. China’s revisionist approach to the LAC boundary and its behaviour in the South China Sea both challenge the RBIO norms. On the other hand, India is uncomfortable with the RBIO in its current American-led form, which it regards as selectively enforced and structurally weighted toward Western interests.

India’s preferred outcome — a reformed, more genuinely multipolar RBIO in which India has a larger voice commensurate with its growing power and population — is articulated through its push for permanent UN Security Council membership, its leadership of the Global South within forums like the G20 and BRICS, and its consistent advocacy for “development-first” norms within multilateral economic institutions. Whether this reformist vision is achievable in the current environment of great-power competition and norm erosion is one of the central strategic questions India will face in the decade to 2037.

 

The RBIO and the Pre-emption Paradigm

The US-Israel strikes on Iran illustrate the RBIO’s erosion in its most acute form. The strikes bypassed the UN Security Council, the NPT verification mechanism, and the IAEA inspection framework — three of the order’s most important institutions for managing nuclear proliferation. They were conducted without Security Council authorisation. They targeted a sovereign state’s domestic infrastructure. And they were widely accepted by the Western strategic community as legitimate, demonstrating that the gap between formal RBIO rules and the actual standards that major powers apply to their own behaviour has become operationally significant.

For India, this creates a specific doctrinal implication. If the RBIO’s formal rules no longer reliably constrain great-power behaviour in the nuclear domain, India cannot base its security planning on the assumption that those rules will protect its own nuclear infrastructure from pre-emptive attack. For that matter, they will also not prevent adversaries from conducting sub-conventional operations against Indian interests. The RBIO cannot substitute credible deterrence, but remains valuable as a diplomatic framework.

 

Repercussions.

The RBIO is neither dead nor fully effective. It is structurally weakened and being selectively enforced. It is still functioning in domains where great-power interests converge sufficiently to sustain it. What has changed is the normative credibility of the order, i.e. the shared expectation that rules apply equally to the powerful and the weak. That expectation, never fully realised, has been further eroded by a decade of great-power unilateral action. The result is an international environment in which rules provide guidance and legitimacy only to the major powers, when convenient.

For India, navigating this environment requires exactly the combination of strategic autonomy, credible conventional deterrence, selective multilateral engagement, and coalition-building that its foreign policy has historically pursued — but pursued now with greater urgency, greater resources, and greater strategic coherence than the drift of recent years has always provided.

 

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Disclaimer:

Information and data included in the blog are for educational & non-commercial purposes only and have been carefully adapted, excerpted, or edited from reliable and accurate sources. All copyrighted material belongs to respective owners and is provided only for wider dissemination.

 

 

References:

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  1. Narlikar, A. (2013). India Rising: Responsible to whom? International Affairs, 89(3), 595–614.
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