Category: Military Capability

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519: INDIAN AIR FORCE: GUARDIANS OF THE SKIES

 

 

My Article published in the Millennium Post e-paper

 

On 08 October each year, India celebrates Air Force Day to commemorate the Indian Air Force (IAF) and its remarkable contributions to the nation’s defence and security.  The IAF, with its motto “Touch the Sky with Glory,” has safeguarded India’s airspace and played a pivotal role in defending the nation and in global humanitarian missions, disaster relief, and peacekeeping operations. Established on October 8, 1932, the Indian Air Force has evolved into one of the most powerful air forces in the world, equipped with cutting-edge technology and a highly skilled workforce.

The Indian Air Force was formed as an auxiliary air force of the Royal Air Force under British rule. Its first aircraft were Westland Wapiti biplanes. Its initial role was limited to providing air support to ground forces. In 1950, with India becoming a republic, the “Royal” prefix was dropped. The IAF has been instrumental in every major conflict involving India, including the wars of 1947, 1962, 1965 and 1971 and the Kargil War of 1999, instilling a sense of security and confidence in its capabilities. It has emerged as a formidable South Asian force and a respected power in global military circles.

 

 

The IAF has undergone significant modernisation in the last few decades, evolving from a regional force to a major air power with strategic capabilities. This transformation, marked by the induction of advanced fighter jets, helicopters, transport aircraft, and drones, has enhanced its combat and logistical capabilities. The IAF’s current fleet includes state-of-the-art aircraft like the Rafale, Sukhoi Su-30MKI, Dassault Mirage 2000, and the indigenous HAL Tejas. These aircraft provide the IAF with superior air dominance and strike capabilities, ensuring India is well-equipped to face modern-day threats.

 

The IAF has also invested heavily in enhancing its aerial reconnaissance and surveillance capabilities, with platforms like the AWACS (Airborne Warning and Control System) and UAVs (Unmanned Aerial Vehicles) for real-time intelligence gathering. This modernisation is supplemented by cutting-edge indigenous missile systems like the BrahMos and Akash etc, which offer offensive and defensive capabilities. In addition, the IAF has expanded its reach with its strategic airlift capabilities, allowing for rapid deployment of troops and equipment in any part of the country and even internationally. The C-130J Super Hercules, Boeing C-17 Globemaster III, and the IL-76 aircraft form the backbone of its transport fleet, enabling swift response to humanitarian crises or military threats.

 

The Indian Air Force prides itself on the rigorous training regimen its officers and personnel undergo. From flying advanced aircraft to mastering complex systems, the IAF ensures that its air warriors are among the best in the world. The IAF also emphasises fostering technical expertise among its ranks. The Technical Branch is responsible for the maintenance and operational efficiency of its vast array of aircraft and equipment. These airmen and engineers ensure that every mission is carried out flawlessly.

 

In recent years, the IAF has made significant strides in promoting gender diversity. It was one of the first military branches in India to induct women as fighter pilots. Women have served as helicopter pilots, transport aircraft pilots, and now fighter pilots, playing critical roles in operations and missions, further strengthening the force.

 

The IAF’s role in safeguarding Indian airspace is vital, but its duties extend beyond traditional military operations. The IAF has been crucial in humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) missions within and outside India. Whether rescuing civilians during natural disasters like floods and earthquakes or delivering critical aid to war-torn regions, the IAF has repeatedly proven itself as a force for good. Its notable large-scale HADR missions in recent years include Operation Rahat in 2013 during the Uttarakhand floods and the 2015 Nepal earthquake.

 

Moreover, the IAF has been involved in international peacekeeping and support missions under the aegis of the United Nations, showcasing India’s commitment to global peace and security. Its ability to operate in diverse environments, from the icy heights of the Himalayas to the dense forests of the Northeast, makes it an indispensable asset for India’s defence.

 

Looking forward, the Indian Air Force is poised to face new challenges in the evolving geopolitical landscape of the 21st century. The rise of new technologies like unmanned combat aerial vehicles (UCAVs), cyber warfare, and space-based assets will require the IAF to adapt and innovate continuously. Integrating these technologies into its operations is already underway, with the IAF placing a strong emphasis on building Indigenous capabilities, in line with India’s “Make in India” initiative. As India’s security environment becomes more volatile, with emerging threats from state and non-state actors, the IAF’s ability to remain agile, adaptable, and technologically superior will be crucial.

 

As we celebrate the Indian Air Force’s contributions on this Air Force Day, it is crucial to recognise its pivotal role in protecting the nation’s sovereignty and contributing to global peace and security. The IAF’s journey from a small auxiliary force to one of the most advanced air forces in the world is a testament to its resilience, professionalism, and unwavering commitment to excellence. With its eyes set firmly on the future, the Indian Air Force is truly a guardian of the skies, ready to face any challenge that comes its way.

 

Your valuable comments are most welcome.

 

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517: APACHE HELICOPTER DELIVERY DELAY: BROADER ISSUE OF TRUST QUOTIENT

 

My article published on Chanakya Forum website

on 02 Oct 24.

 

The Boeing AH-64 Apache is an American twin-turbo shaft attack helicopter with a tail wheel-type landing gear and a tandem cockpit for a crew of two. Nose-mounted sensors help acquire targets and provide night vision. It carries a 30 mm (1.18 in) M230 chain gun under its forward fuselage and four hard points on stub-wing pylons for armament and stores, typically AGM-114 Hellfire missiles and Hydra 70 rocket pods. Redundant systems help it survive combat damage. Boeing claims the AH-64E to be the world’s best and most advanced multi-mission attack helicopter. According to Boeing, it is the only combat helicopter with a spectrum of capabilities for virtually any mission requirement, including greater thrust and lift, joint digital operability, improved survivability, and cognitive decision-aiding. The technical details of the helicopter are appended.

 

Boeing also claims it delivered the first US Army Apache AH-64A in January 1984. Since then, the US Army and other nations have received more than 2,700 AH-64 Apache attack helicopters. Boeing’s global customers for the Apache include Egypt, Greece, India, Indonesia, Israel, Japan, Korea, Kuwait, the Netherlands, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Singapore, the United Arab Emirates and the United Kingdom. These aircraft in operation have accumulated over five million flight hours, 1.3 million of which have been in combat.

 

In India, Tata Boeing Aerospace Limited (TBAL), a joint venture between Boeing and Tata Advanced Systems Ltd. (TASL), established in 2016, manufactures fuselages for the AH-64 Apache. TBAL’s Hyderabad facility has been delivering AH-64 Apache fuselages since 2018. The advanced manufacturing facility will eventually become the sole producer of AH-64 fuselages worldwide, with 90% of parts sourced from Indian suppliers. The Indian Air Force has a fleet of 22 AH-64E Apache attack helicopters bought in 2015. In 2020, Boeing signed an agreement with the Government of India to acquire six more Apache helicopters for the Indian Army. The 4,100 crore contract stipulated that these aircraft would be delivered in two batches at the beginning of this year. On March 24, it was disclosed that the delivery of these aircraft would be delayed by over a year.

 

Delay. The procurement agreement initially stipulated the delivery of all six helicopters by February 2024. The first batch of three Apache helicopters is now expected to be delivered by late 2024 or early 2025, with the remaining three projected to arrive three to four months later. Various reasons are being speculated as the cause for the delay.

 

  • Supply chain. Boeing has indicated supply chain problems as the possible reason for the delay.

 

  • Priorities and Allocations Systems Program (DPAS). Another hurdle to the Apache project was related to India’s low ranking in a US government programme that prioritised foreign customers. The US uses DPAS to prioritise defence-related contracts throughout the US supply chain to support military, homeland security, critical infrastructure and other requirements. This seemingly affected 22 critical components fitted on the Apaches, including engines, gearboxes, and weapons. However, the issue was resolved after prolonged discussions between the two sides.
  • Technical Issues. Open-source media reports are also emerging about technical issues related to the helicopter’s electrical systems (power generator) failures, causing safety concerns. Boeing has reportedly temporarily halted all Apache deliveries until these concerns are addressed and resolved.

 

Tejas Delays. The delay in the Apache delivery is not an isolated incident. It comes after US engine maker General Electric delayed the delivery of GE F-404 jet engines that power India’s indigenous Tejas jets. This has pushed the delivery of the first production of Tejas Mk1 from March 2024 to November 2024. GE Aerospace, responsible for providing these engines, collaborates with Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL).  The delivery schedule of the Tejas jets, which are critical for replacing ageing MiG-21 fighters in the Indian Air Force, has been pushed back. These delays are causing significant concerns for the Indian military’s modernisation programs.

 

Indo-US Cooperation (Defence and Aerospace). The US-India partnership in defence and aerospace has recently become one of the most vital engagement sectors, merging both countries’ strategic and geopolitical interests. Unfortunately, with all its strategic elements, the defence partnership has an overbearing buyer-seller dimension. India has already acquired several US military platforms and equipment, and some proposals for new acquisitions are in the pipeline. In addition, India has expressed interest in advanced engine technologies to produce advanced medium combat aircraft domestically.

 

Key Defence Agreements. Over the last two decades, India and the U.S. have strengthened their defence ties, contributing to a higher level of mutual trust. Key agreements, such as the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA), Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA), and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (BECA), allow greater military collaboration and intelligence sharing.

 

Defence Technology and Trade Initiative (DTTI).  DTTI is a strategic collaboration framework between the United States and India to enhance defence trade, co-production, and co-development of military technology. Established in 2012, it focuses on strengthening defence ties and addressing procedural challenges to foster defence cooperation and technological exchange between the two nations. It aims to identify and pursue projects that promote joint development and production of defence technologies, leveraging the strengths of both countries’ defence industries. The initiative is designed to facilitate technology transfer, ensuring that advanced U.S. defence technologies can be shared with India and fostering greater defence self-reliance in India. DTTI is intended to reduce bureaucratic hurdles and fast-track the approval processes required for defence trade, making cooperation more seamless. The question remains about its ability to overcome bureaucratic hurdles.

 

Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) Status. In 2018, the United States upgraded India to Strategic Trade Authorisation-1 (STA-1) status, a significant change that enhanced the strategic partnership between the two nations. This move recognised India’s growing role as a critical security and defence partner for the US. The STA-1 designation allows a country to access dual-use technology more easily from the U.S. without needing individual export licenses. India became the first South Asian country in STA-1, joining key allies like NATO members, Japan, and South Korea. The elevation of India’s status under STA-1 was considered a major diplomatic and strategic milestone, enabling greater collaboration between India and the US in areas like defence, space, and nuclear technology. The delays in delivery schedules of the defence contracts create doubt about the sincerity of these agreements.

Defence Priorities and Allocations System Program (DPAS). The Defence Priorities and Allocations System (DPAS) prioritises national defence-related contracts/orders throughout the US supply chain to support military, energy, homeland security, emergency preparedness, and critical infrastructure requirements. The DPAS can also provide military or critical infrastructure assistance to foreign nations. The President has the authority for preferential acceptance and performance of contracts or orders (other than employment contracts). Under this provision, other government agencies, owners and operators of critical infrastructure, or companies can place priority ratings on contracts or orders on a case-by-case basis. India’s low rating on this priority list does not augur well for the Indo-US defence Cooperation.

 

US Sanctions on India. The US has imposed sanctions on India at various historical points. After India’s first nuclear test in 1974, the U.S. imposed technology-related sanctions on India. These restrictions were primarily aimed at limiting India’s access to nuclear technology and materials and restricting sensitive technologies that could be used for military purposes. The most significant sanctions were imposed after India’s nuclear tests in May 1998. The sanctions included suspending military and economic assistance to India, prohibiting the export of sensitive dual-use technology, restricting loans and credit from U.S. financial institutions, and opposing loans from international financial institutions like the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The sanctions were lifted in 2001.

 

Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). This US law sanctions countries engaging in significant transactions with Russia, Iran, and North Korea’s defence or intelligence sectors. As a substantial defence buyer from Russia, especially its S-400 missile defence system, India faced potential sanctions under CAATSA. However, it did not impose CAATSA-related sanctions on India, opting for a waiver in 2022. In the past, the US has occasionally warned of sanctions to pressure India to reduce or halt its oil imports from Iran. India’s investment in Iran’s Chabahar Port was also a point of contention. However, the U.S. provided waivers for this project due to its strategic importance in stabilising Afghanistan. The US has also imposed restrictions on selling advanced military technology to India in the past. These were primarily due to concerns over India’s ties with Russia during the Cold War and its nuclear weapons program.

 

Indo-US Trust Quotient. The trust quotient between India and the United States has evolved over the past few decades. India’s non-aligned stance and closer ties with the Soviet Union during the Cold War created distrust between the US and India. Pakistan has historically been a cause of trust deficit between India and the US, with the US supporting Pakistan during the 1971 India-Pakistan war. While the relationship moved from suspicion during the Cold War to strategic partnership in recent years, the trust level fluctuates depending on geopolitical, economic, and defence considerations.  The Indo-U.S. trust quotient has risen significantly over the past two decades, driven by shared strategic interests and growing defence and economic cooperation. While the overall trajectory remains one of increasing trust and partnership, doubts still exist.

 

These uncalled-for occurrences and hurdles would force India to adopt a cautious approach regarding critical defence contracts and would affect future procurement contracts from the USA. The trust quotient goes down quickly, but it is challenging to increase it. The US and Indian governments, armed services, and industry should identify and prioritise defence products. US technology and expertise could be combined with Indian manufacturing capabilities for co-production and co-development. Further in-depth consultations with the US are also necessary to jump-start DTTI and other agreements, initiatives and mechanisms.

 

AH-64E Apache Technical Specifications

Standard Crew 2
Length 48.16 ft. (14.68 m)
Height 15.49 ft. (4.72 m)
Rotor Diameter 48 ft. (14.63 m)
Primary Mission Gross Weight 15,075 lb. (6,838 kg)
Maximum Operating Weight 23,000 lb. (10,432 kg)
Maximum Rate of Climb 2,800+ ft. (853+ m) per minute
Maximum Level Flight Speed 150+ knots (279+ kph)
Service Ceiling 20,000 ft. (6,096 m)
Ordnance 16 HELLFIRE missiles,

76 2.75-inch rockets and

1,200 30 mm chain gun rounds
Rate of Fire 600-650 rounds per minute

 

Link to the published article:-

APACHE HELICOPTER DELIVERY DELAY: BROADER ISSUE OF TRUST QUOTIENT

 

Suggestions and value additions are most welcome.

 

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References and credits

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References:-

  1. Ujjwal Shrotryia, “After Jet Engines, US Delays Delivery Of Apache Attack Helicopters; Cites Supply Chain Issues” Swarajya Defence, 13 Sep 24.
  1. Abhinandan Mishra & Saurabh Sharma, “U.S. slow on delivery of Apaches, Indian Army faces long wait”, The Sunday Guardian, 08 Sep 24.
  1. “Apache helicopter arrival for Indian Army pushed to 2025”, Alert 5 Aviation News, 09 Sep 24.
  1. Jaydeep Gupta, “Boeing Delays Apache AH-64E Deliveries to India amid Power Generator Failure Concerns”, Defence.in news and discussion, 07 Sep 24.
  1. Rahul Singh, “Induction of Apache hits supply chain wall, Hindustan Times, 12 Sep 24.
  1. “U.S.-India Bilateral Partnership: Aiming High”, US India Business Council roadmap.
  1. Apache Website of Boeing.

Disclaimer:

Information and data included in the blog are for educational & non-commercial purposes only and have been carefully adapted, excerpted, or edited from reliable and accurate sources. All copyrighted material belongs to respective owners and is provided only for wider dissemination.

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514: CONFLICTS, MILITARY SPENDING & ARMS TRANSFERS

 

 

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) launched its Yearbook 2024 on 17 June. The yearbook contains the annual assessment of the state of armaments, disarmament, and international security.

 

Summarised excerpts from the yearbook:-

 

Conflict Trends

 

Although the number of states experiencing armed conflicts fell from 55 in 2022 to 52 in 2023, the estimated number of conflict-related fatalities worldwide rose from 153,100 in 2022 to 170,700 in 2023, reaching the highest level since 2019.

 

In 2023, four conflicts were categorised as major armed conflicts (i.e. conflicts involving 10,000 or more conflict related fatalities in the year), one more than in 2022: the civil wars in Myanmar and Sudan, and the Israel–Hamas and Russia–Ukraine wars.

 

The number of high intensity armed conflicts (i.e. conflicts involving 1000–9999 conflict related fatalities) also increased, from 17 in 2022 to 20 in 2023.

 

The Russia–Ukraine war continued throughout 2023 at a high cost to both sides. Russian air attacks continued, and Ukraine began to reply in kind, although not on the same scale. Both sides sought and received ammunition and weapons from their allies. There were no formal Russian–Ukrainian peace talks during the year, and the one noteworthy diplomatic success—the 2022 Black Sea Grain Initiative—unravelled in 2023.

 

In contrast to the stalemate in Ukraine, in September 2023, Azerbaijan secured a decisive victory in its long running conflict with Armenia over Nagorno-Karabakh.

 

High intensity armed conflicts continued in Iraq, Syria and Yemen throughout the year.

 

Israel responded to the events of 7 October (the killing of over 1000 civilians and more than 350 Israeli soldiers and police, and the capture of around 240 hostages) by declaring a state of war for the first time since 1973. By the end of the year, more than 22,000 Palestinians had been killed in the ensuing air strikes or ground operations by Israel. Houthi forces in Yemen, claiming support for the Palestinians, started to attack commercial shipping in the Red Sea, prompting Western powers to dispatch warships to the area to address the threat.

 

Sub­Saharan Africa remained the region with the most armed conflicts, although many were low intensity conflicts (involving fewer than 1000 conflict-related fatalities), and levels of violence fluctuated considerably. There were decreases in conflict related fatalities in several countries experiencing high intensity armed conflict, including the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Nigeria and South Sudan. However, there were notable increases in conflict­related fatality rates elsewhere, including in Sudan (+537 per cent compared with 2022), Burkina Faso (+100 per cent) and Somalia (+28 per cent).

 

The fighting that erupted in Sudan on 15 April 2023 between forces led by rival military generals triggered a humanitarian crisis and resulted in an all-out civil war.

 

In the Sahel, a coup in Niger and a decision by Mali to expel United Nations peacekeepers added to regional tensions.

 

The Americas is the only region not to have had a major armed conflict in 2018–23. The two countries in the region with the highest number of conflict­related fatalities—Brazil and Mexico—primarily faced criminal rather than political violence in 2023. Criminal gang related violence also escalated significantly in Haiti during the year.

 

Despite the ongoing civil war in Myanmar, the overall conflict­related fatality rate for Asia and Oceania more than halved between 2021 and 2023. This was partly due to a continuing decline in conflict­related fatalities in Afghanistan following the return to power of the Taliban in 2021.

 

Military Spending

 

Estimated global military expenditure rose for the ninth consecutive year in 2023, surpassing $2.4 trillion, driven by the Russia–Ukraine war and broader geopolitical tensions.

 

The 6.8 per cent increase in total military spending in 2023 was the largest rise since 2009, pushing estimated world spending to the highest recorded level.

 

As a result, the global military burden {world military expenditure as a share of world gross domestic product (GDP)} rose to 2.3 percent.

 

Governments allocated 6.9 per cent of their budgets to the military or $306 per person.

 

Estimated military spending increased across all five geographical regions for the first time since 2009.

 

Spending by African countries rose the most (by 22 percent in 2023), while the smallest increase was in the Americas (2.2 percent).

 

The United States remained by far the largest military spender in the world. Its $916 billion expenditure was more than the combined spending of the nine other countries among the top 10 spenders and 3.1 times as large as that of the second biggest spender, China.

 

The trend for increased military spending by European states in response to Russia’s full scale invasion of Ukraine gained traction in 2023. 39 of the 43 countries in Europe increased military spending. The 16 per cent surge in total European expenditures was driven by a 51 per cent rise in Ukrainian spending and a 24 per cent rise in Russian spending, as well as by 10 of the 28 European members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) reaching or surpassing the 2 per cent of GDP spending target in 2023.

 

Estimated military expenditures in Asia and Oceania rose for the 34th consecutive year. Half of the regional total consisted of spending by China, which grew by 6.0 per cent to reach $296 billion in 2023. China’s spending influenced spending decisions in neighbouring countries and the broader region: in Japan, for example, spending rose by 11 per cent, the largest year­-on-­year spending increase since 1972.

 

Estimated military spending in the Middle East grew by 9.0 per cent in 2023, with increases in all three of the biggest spenders in the region: Saudi Arabia, Israel and Turkiye. The Israel–Hamas war was the main driver for the 24 per cent increase in Israel’s military expenditure.

 

Arms Transfer

 

Suppliers of Major Arms

 

In 2019–23, 66 states exported arms, but most were minor exporters. The 25 largest suppliers accounted for 98 per cent of the total volume of exports, and the top five (the United States, France, Russia, China, and Germany) accounted for 75 per cent.

 

The USA’s share of global exports has increased in recent years while Russia’s share has decreased. In 2019–23, the USA’s arms exports were 17 percent higher than in 2014–18, and its share of the global total increased from 34 to 42 percent. In contrast, Russia’s arms exports decreased by 53 per cent, and its share of the global total dropped from 21 to 11 per cent.

 

France’s exports rose by 47 percent between 2014–18 and 2019–23, making it the second largest exporter of major arms in 2019–23.

 

Known plans for future deliveries of major arms strongly indicate that the USA will remain unchallenged as the largest arms exporter in the coming years and that France will consolidate its position in second place. They also indicate that Russia’s arms exports may reduce even further, while some of the other current top 10 exporters are likely to remain steady or increase.

 

Recipients of Major Arms

 

In 2019–23, 170 states imported arms. The five largest importers were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Ukraine, and Pakistan, accounting for 35 percent of total arms imports.

 

Asia and Oceania received the largest volumes of major arms in 2019–23, accounting for 37 percent of the total, followed by the Middle East (30 percent), Europe (21 percent), the Americas (5.7 percent), and Africa (4.3 percent).

 

Between 2014–18 and 2019–23, the flow of arms to Europe increased by 94 per cent, while flows to all other geographical regions decreased: Africa (−52 per cent), Asia and Oceania (−12 per cent), the Middle East (−12 per cent) and the Americas (−7.2 per cent).

 

Many of the 170 importers are directly involved in armed conflict or in tensions with other states where the imported major arms play an important role.

 

Moreover, many exporters are direct stakeholders or participants in at least some of these conflicts and tensions, which partly explains why they are willing to supply arms, even when the supply seems to contradict their stated arms export policies. It is also noteworthy that, for most suppliers, arms exports are only a small part of the financial value of their total exports.

 

Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)

 

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) is an independent, international think tank based in Stockholm that provides research, data, and analysis on arms control, disarmament, military expenditure, and armed conflict. It was founded in 1966 by Alva Myrdal and Tage Erlander. SIPRI’s work is intended to help researchers, policymakers, and the public understand the state of the arms industry and the preconditions for a stable peace. 

 

SIPRI’s work is based on open sources and includes:

 

  • Databases. SIPRI’s Arms transfers, Arms industry, and Military expenditure databases provide data on nearly every country in the world.

 

  • Documents. SIPRI provides documents on arms embargoes since the 1950s and national reports on arms export controls.

 

  • Analysis. SIPRI researchers analyse the data to identify trends and potential impacts on global security. 

 

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